マス・コミュニケーション研究
Online ISSN : 2432-0838
Print ISSN : 1341-1306
ISSN-L : 1341-1306
最新号
選択された号の論文の25件中1~25を表示しています
■特集 世論調査とは何か? ―岐路に立つ世論調査 その信頼性を巡っての議論
  • 桶田 敦
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 3-12
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     A symposium was held on June 23, 2018, entitled “What is Public Opinion

    Survey  Discussion on the Reliability of Public Opinion at a Crossroads” at

    the Spring Research Presentation of the Japan Society for Studies in Journalism

    and Mass Communication.

      In public opinion polls, it is natural that reliability and validity are required

    together with its immediacy. However, although the trial and error is being carried

    out at each research institution about the methodology of such cellular

    phone RDD (Random Digit Dialing) survey, researchers and practitioners of

    related positions will meet together to discuss its reliability and validity. Therefore,

    it is the purpose of this symposium to overview the present situation of

    public opinion surveys, to discuss its reliability and consider its validity, and to

    confirm the concept of “public opinion survey in the present age” at the same

    time.

      Discussions were held at this symposium by three public opinion survey

    practitioners and two researchers. The point of discussion is the current state

    of public opinion survey in the mass media; in particular the basic concepts of

    RDD fixed telephone survey and the problems of RDD phone survey to landlines

    and mobile phones. The issues were then collated. In addition, there was a

    report on conditions for the creation of alternative methods and investigation

    methods conforming to the conditions for post-RDD fixed telephone surveys.

      In response to these reports, important points were identified, stating that

    it is necessary to clearly distinguish between surveys and polls and to handle

    polls appropriately.

  • 細貝 亮
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 13-22
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     In 2016, media outlets began conducting dual-frame random digit dialing

    (RDD) surveys that sample mobile phone numbers in addition to the traditional

    targets with landline phone numbers. The resulting greater outreach to hitherto underrepresented youths and mobile-only users has improved the credibility

    of polls. Still, new challenges have been identified with surveys targeting

    mobile phone users. Examples include a predominant share of males among

    respondents and the difficulty in ensuring validity of survey caused by inconsistency

    with methods used for surveys that target only landline phone users.

    Unfortunately, there are no promising alternatives for opinion polling in case

    RDD surveys grow difficult. Worse still, failures in predicting election results

    and mistrust of the media have dampened confidence in polls. Going forward,

    pollsters must gain people’s trust regarding opinion polls by properly explaining

    how they are supposed to be conducted.

  • 大隈 慎吾
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 23-34
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper explores polling methods that provide alternatives to random

    digit dialing (RDD) as today’s mainstream. While no readily available alternatives

    are identified, potentially viable internet-based alternatives are being

    developed. For instance, responses from sample members could be sought by

    requesting them to access polling websites through their PCs or smartphones

    as specified on letters sent to them by postal mail. Another idea is to use

    mobile phones to call or send text (SMS) messages to intended targets to

    request their responses via SMS. These potential alternatives still suffer from

    an insufficient response rate. Such internet-based polling must be continued

    until the response rate improves. Once the rate grows high enough, these alternative

    polls can be conducted in place of RDD with confidence in the IT literacy

    of general voters who can respond to opinion polls online.

  • 松本 正生
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 35-42
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     Opinion polls are intended for capturing the voice of the silent majority.

    They are nothing short of a painstaking hassle to collect the opinions of less

    vocal or reticent people. In their opinion polls based on random digit dialing

    (RDD), they began targeting mobile phone numbers in addition to the traditional

    targets with landline phone numbers. Such dual-frame RDD surveys that

    target both types of numbers have gained sufficient responses so far. But many

    challenges remain in ensuring their sustainability. Past the age of RDD, the

    greatest challenge is adapting polls to ubiquitous smartphones.

      The credibility of media-led opinion polls depends greatly on how precisely

    they can predict election results. The recent politics of Japan has put us under

    a new test in polling a likely national referendum on a constitutional amendment.

  • 佐藤 寧
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 43-50
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper describes the environment surrounding opinion polls in the following

    three sections, each of which also presents the author’s opinions. They

    are mainly based on the author’s presentation on June 23, 2018 at the symposium

    titled What is Public Opinion Survey: Discussion on the Reliability of Public

    Opinion at a Crossroads as a part of the symposium organized by the Japan

    Society for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication.

      Section 1 Polling methods employed by the media

      This Section outlines polling methods that are yet to be fully understood by

    media representatives and academics.

      Section 2 Discussion of web-based polling going forward

      This Section comments on the calls for more effective use of the internet

    in our ubiquitous society.

    Section 3 Public sentiment on the reliability of polls

      Through social networking services or other means, many voice doubts

    about opinion polls conducted by the media. This Section presents the author’s

    idea on the way the issue should be addressed.

■ 論文
  • 村上 勝彦
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 53-71
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    Article 175 of Broadcasting Act (“the Act”) requires the submission of

    materials by broadcasters, and the Order for Enforcement of Broadcasting Act

    (“the Order”) sets out a list of materials to be submitted. But the Order

    excludes the details of broadcast programs.

      For that reason, the Order requires to submit an outline of deliberations of

    the Broadcast Program Council, an internal council to discuss broadcast programs

    (“the Council”). The discussion in the Council relates to program contents

    and the detailed minutes includes broadcast program material.

      However, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (“MIC”),

    the ministry in charge of the Act, issued a circular notice requiring the submission

    of detailed minutes in addition to the outline of deliberations of the Council.

    The circular notice goes beyond the mandate of the Order, which excludes the

    details of broadcast programs from the list of the materials to be submitted.

      While broadcasters comply with the circular notice and submit the minutes

    to MIC, which might lead to MIC’s intervention in broadcast programs, they do

    not disclose the minutes to their audiences. This is due to the broadcasters’ lack

    of understanding of the fundamental purpose of the Act, as well as their lack of

    awareness regarding the protection of their freedom of broadcasting.

  • 奥山 俊宏
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 73-91
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    This research focuses on the U.S. Department of Justice’s investigation and

    prosecution of unauthorized disclosures of government information to the

    media. Based on a review of 21 cases, the research shows trends in the frequency

    of prosecutions.

      The investigations and prosecutions by the U.S. Department of Justice

    (DOJ) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) with regard to leaks

    have gone through some transition. In the 20th century, only four cases were

    prosecuted. However, the situation has completely changed in this century.

    Under the Obama administration, there were eight charges against alleged

    leakers between 2009 and 2013. On the other hand, no such charges were filed

    from October 2013 to September 2016. Despite President Trump’s pledge for

    more prosecutions, there have only been five cases since his inauguration. This

    has occurred notwithstanding the frequency of leaks being about to “explode.”

      Several factors contribute to this volatility. Among these factors are the

    DOJ and FBI’s internal codes or norms with which the investigators and prosecutors

    must comply.

      For example, between 2005 and 2006, the normal constraints were relaxed,

    both in terms of investigative procedures with regard to the news media and

    the scope of the interpretation of the substantive law, such as the Espionage

    Act. As a result, the frequency of prosecutions increased between 2009 and

    2013.

      However, between 2013 and 2015, the constraints of investigations against

    the press strengthened significantly under the direction of President Obama.

    Therefore there was “downtime” between 2013 and 2016.

      The DOJ serving under the Trump administration announced in 2017 that

    it was reviewing policies affecting media subpoenas. The announcement can be

    regarded as evidence of the fact that the change of the norms or internal codes

    has played an important role in trends in the frequency of prosecutions.

  • 太田 奈名子
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 93-111
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper examines the Truth Box, a radio program broadcast under the

    General Headquarters of the Allied Forces( GHQ) in Occupied Japan. The Civil

    Information and Education Section (CIE), a special staff section of GHQ,

    directed and produced the program, answering letters from listeners about

    their questions on the Asia-Pacific War. The author’s main aim is to reveal how

    the program conveyed the Emperor’s war responsibility, while establishing a

    new relationship between the Emperor and the Japanese public. Drawing on an

    analytic framework called Critical Discourse Studies, which allows us to explore

    a media discourse within its sociohistorical contexts, the present study provides

    some previously-unpublished scripts of the program and analyzes them with

    reference to related historical primary sources. The author concludes that the

    Truth Box, which premiered after the Humanity Declaration and continued to

    air in parallel with the opening of the International Military Tribunal for the

    Far East, clearly reflects the political intention of GHQ and the CIE to exempt

    the Emperor from any culpability by orienting the Japanese public to reflect on

    their own war guilt.

  • 松尾 理也
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 113-130
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    The question of why liberal discourse had changed into totalitarian and

    nationalistic direction in the pre-war Showa era continues to be relevant. Much

    research has been accumulated, but most of it is focused on “first-class newspapers,”

    that is, the Asahi Shimbun or the Mainichi Shimbun, which established

    the national paper model with their large circulations. References to “secondclass

    newspapers” were rare, because they had been regarded as merely deteriorated

    copies or imitations of “first-class newspapers.”

      However, if “second-rate newspapers” could be defined as “prestigiouspapers who had fallen from grace,” its change in that period should suggest the

    reason why media was forced to undergo a transformation for survival.

      Osaka Jiji Shimpo was known as a Japanism-oriented newspaper in the prewar

    Showa era, but was originally characterized by the neutral and moderate

    tone of the Jiji Shimpo newspaper. The change in tone occurred in 1931, not

    because of the Manchurian Incident, which broke out that year but rather with

    the separation of management from the Jiji Shimpo newspaper. The Osaka Jiji

    was denied supplies from Tokyo and was forced to renew itself to survive. Its

    connection to the military was key and which led to the campaign to honor the

    Santo Great Air Defense Day in 1931 and the campaign for the Meirinkai, one

    of the military fascism movements launched in 1932. Its Japanism was maintained

    and further developed by externally procured famous authors such as

    Tadataka Ikezaki and Teiichi Muto.

      The sharpening of Japanism, characterized by its criticism towards social

    authority, succeeded in obtaining a certain amount of readership. However,

    under the wartime restrictions on the freedom of the press, the authorities

    gradually became disgruntled. From around 1940, the Osaka Jiji was frequently

    banned. This signifies the change in the gaze of authority. Ultimately the Osaka

    Jiji was suspended in 1942, during the process of newspaper integration.

  • 宇田川 敦史
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 131-149
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    Rankings are ubiquitous forms of media in our daily life. In particular, rankings

    of search engine results are one of the most commonly encountered media.

    However, most users are not aware of how web pages are ranked by search

    engines and even the fact that search engine results are ranked. This means

    search engines are “black-boxes” and rankings as a form of media are

    “obscured”. The purpose of this study is to clarify how this black-box and

    obscured media environment has been constructed by chronologically analyzing

    major personal computer magazines in the United States during the Web1.0

    era. This is a historical analysis of discourses regarding search engine rankings

    and the World Wide Web in general.

    As a result, this study clarifies the following three conclusions. First, the

    World Wide Web was originally considered a plaything, like “web-surfing,”

    before becoming a tool for searching information. Secondly, tools for searching

    webpages changed from semantic directories to computational rankings. Lastly,

    discourse explaining computational technology gradually disappeared as a result

    of a change in the search engine environment from over-competition to monopolization.

      Through this historical process, search engine rankings as media became

    “black-boxes” and implicit trust in the rankings were constructed. Consequently,

    users came to unconsciously consider only the top-ranked contents and rankings

    as a form became obscured. This result suggests that the implicit trust in

    these black-box platforms can potentially amplify “trolling” or “fake news.” The

    study contributes to understanding how digital platforms affect daily communications,

    applying a media studies perspective.

  • 千葉 悠志
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 151-168
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    The purpose of this paper is to reveal the transformation of the media

    landscape in Middle Eastern countries since the beginning of the Arab Spring

    began. Although a series of protests started as requirements for better governance,

    political freedom, and qualified life, its outcomes seem to have been far

    from successful. To date (excluding Tunisia), there have been no countries

    experiencing substantial democratic progress. Therefore, contrary to the initial

    optimistic views on the uprisings that emphasized people’s power and the effectiveness

    of social movement regarding authoritarian governments, recent studies

    tend to take a more severe viewpoint of the incidents. Although many

    observers regard the Arab Spring as momentous historically for showing the

    power of media freedom enabled by the development of media technologies,

    most studies have never focused on the whereabouts of media freedom in Middle

    Eastern countries after these uprisings. For a better understanding of the

    relationship between media and the Arab Spring, this study considers the Arab

    Spring’s impact on media situations, as well as the media freedom situation in the Middle East since the beginning of the uprisings. As this paper shows,

    except for Tunisia, media freedom in Middle East has not improved; rather, a

    deterioration can be observed. Though the Arab Spring remains in people’s

    minds as showing the power of media, the mid-to-long term trend may show

    that the incident was just an opportunity for Arab authoritarian governments

    to upgrade their adaptability to the new media environments.

  • 清水 麻子
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 169-186
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper clarifies the relationship between solidarity activities by journalist

    networks in Japan and the possibility of supporting socially vulnerable people.

    The Japanese mainstream media, which is vast and bureaucratized, only

    examines superficial aspects of the lives of socially vulnerable people, such as

    poverty and violence. In recent years, however, the existence of a journalist

    network which goes beyond the framework of companies and individuals has

    been confirmed by the complexity of social structure and the increasing sophistication

    of information. The organizational form of network is diverse and

    includes NPOs, NGOs, and voluntary organizations, which work to solve the

    same social problems.

      This article focuses on the relationship between the activity of the Baratoge

    study group, an association of female journalists consisting of more than

    600 female journalists from Japanese TV stations and newspaper companies,

    and the relationship between this association and legislation.

      So far, the dominant discourse has been about “terrible mothers who abandon

    their babies after giving birth” based on “motherhood” thinking. However,

    the network declared a new agenda of helping “suffering pregnant women and

    children who should be helped together.” Furthermore, they delivered a message

    to policy makers through repeated coverage. In this study, I used discourse

    and agenda setting analysis to track the process. This showed the possibility that women’s solidarity together with empathy could mobilize politics and

    society, thereby supporting vulnerable people.

  • 劉 茜
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 187-203
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    This report analyzes the flyers of the 11th Army spread in the inland areas

    of China during the second Sino-Japanese War, as a case study on propaganda

    during wartime.

      It is possible to classify 314 different flyers made and spread by the 11th

    Army from the Fall of Wuhan and the breakout of the Pacific War into three

    categories: the article flyer, the picture flyer and the newspaper flyer. Furthermore,

    according to the forms and the contents of these flyers, the development

    of the flyers can generally be divided into three periods: the first period when

    the flyers focused on callings with persuasive contents; the second period when

    visual elements in the flyers improved; and the third period when the information

    contained in the flyers was emphasized.

      Through this investigation, this report aims to clarify the propaganda strategies

    and tactics used in Japanese army propaganda during wartime.

  • 木村 絵里子
    原稿種別: 研究論文
    2019 年 94 巻 p. 205-222
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    Many scholars have pointed out that in Meiji and Taisho period Japan,

    event culture and the media industry (particularly newspaper companies)

    came to be deeply involved with each other. However, what was the process

    through which such media events came into existence? In this paper I focus on

    a geisha popularity contest called “Tokyo-Hyaku-Bijin” (literally, “One Hundred

    Beauties in Tokyo”), which was held in Asakusa in July 1891, and examine thekind of media-related event it became. I found that, first, the event’s reality was

    constructed both on the pages of newspapers and in the world outside of them

    due to their sharing of a variety of information about it. Second, the event was

    a forerunner of the modern celebrity system in its use of photographs that

    made it possible for many unspecified people to consume images of these geisha.

    Namely, in “One Hundred Beauties” we find an experience involving two

    forms of media. Furthermore,this event was also the beginning of the media

    event cycle in which newspaper media outlets would report on and advertise

    events they had planned themselves.

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■ 2018年度春季研究発表会 ワークショップ報告
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