African urban studies of Anthropology have their origin in one ideal model, the dyachronic detribalization model. This model assumes that African urbanization can be regarded as a gradual process of detribalization in consequence of direct contacts with heterogeneous and powerful Western cultures. In the 1950's, members of the Rhodes-Livingstone School such as Gluckman, Mitchell and Epstein advocated a new approach for African urban studies on the basis of their field researches of copperbelt towns in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). They criticized the detribalization model and put forward the situational approach, which emphasized synchronic social relations. According to this approach, the social relations of African rural-urban migrants are in some situations based on their traditional tribal norms but in others are based on urban norms. The situational approach is a very useful one because it highlights the migrants' personal strategy in situational selections. It cannot, however, explain the retribalization phenomenon which prevails in the African metropolises today. Those urban migrants who come from rural areas do not break away from tribal social relations but on the contrary reorganize these tribal relations in order to live a stable life in the urban environment. The situational approach cannot explain the paradox of the retention of tribal relations in a strikingly urban context. This paper tries to resolve the problems of retribalization by analysing a re-organization process of social relations by the Maragoli migrants from Kerongo village, Western Kenya in Kangemi, a poor housing area in Nairobi. Kangemi, located in the northwest area of the city, is an urban colony for the Maragoli migrants. We can observe an actual re-organization process of various kinds of social relations there. In order to elucidate this process, this paper adopts the following procedures. 1. Firstly, several social situations, where social relations are developed and organized, are chosen from the daily life of the migrants from Kerongo village in Kangemi. This paper extracts empirically eight situations, namely, (1) securing the first accomodation, (2) seeking permanent employment, (3) borrowing or lending money, (4) borrowing or lending daily goods, (5) drinking beer or local alcohol, (6) exchanging messages and information with their home village, Kerongo, (7) participating in church activities, (8) carrying the body of a migrant back to the home village and preparing and performing a ritual of “ilisyoma” in Nairobi. 2. Secondly, the forms of re-organizing social relations in each situation are examined. The forms can be sorted into two types, network type and group type. According to the former type, whenever they confront difficulties in some situations of their daily life, the migrants set up a kind of association to deal with the difficulties. When they do not form an association but extend their personal social networks, this form is called the group type. 3. Thirdly, the principles of re-organizing social relations are verified in each situation. The clan-lineage principle, the village-home-boy principle and the urban neighbourhood-locality principle are presented here. Thus, the migrants from Kerongo village living in Kangemi re-organize their social relations by using different forms and different principles in each situation. 4. Although most parts of these re-organization processes can be presented as retribalization phenomena, this paper pays much more attention to a process organized by the home-boy principle. The study fourthly examines how the home-boy principle, which has been developed recently in town, is embedded and reinterpreted in a traditional and dominant ideology of unilineal descent. In order to provide the home-boy principle with legitimacy in the framework of the ideology of unilineality, the Kerongo villagers have adopted two stages
A preliminary survey in Zambia from July to October, 1982, has revealed that the followings are important topics in the study of ecological anthropology in Zambia: 1) The Twa Problem There are several fishermen groups called the Twa in the swamps in Zambia. Earlier researchers took them for the aboriginal inhabitants of a Bushman or Pygmy type. They have formed a symbiotic relationship with the neighboring cultivators and have come to occupy their own niche in the local ecological system. It is necessary to view the ethno-history of the Twa as a reflection of the differentiating process of their ecological niche. Similar kinds of symbiotic relationship between foragers and cultivators are found in various parts of Africa. 2) Fishing life in the swamp Although the swamp or floodplain represents one of the typical environments in Zambia, the ecology of human life in such an environment has been little studied. The fishermen in the Bangweulu and Lkanga swamps, setting their camps on the floating islands, lead peculier fishing lives adapted to the swamp environment, especially to the seasonal changes in the water level. The man-nature relationships in the swamp ecosystem are of great interest. 3) Agricultural system in the woodland The cultivators in Zambia have developed an unique system of slash-and-burn agriculture called “citemene” system. This involves extensive utilization of the environment and is an adaptive means of living in the sparsely inhabited woodland areas. This traditional agricultural system has been seriously changed because of the population growth, introduction of cash crops, intensification of cultivation and other modernization processes. These changes and their effects on the local ecosystem should be studied in detail. These topics are planned to be dealt with in the research conducted from 1983 to 1986.
On 24 October, 1964, the British South Africa Company left Zambia. The Financial Times carried a full-page advertisement by BSAC: “Northern Rhodesia Now To Be Zambia”. This study attempts to understand the full historical significance of the BSAC in the general history of Southern Africa. An inquiry into the sequence as to how the BSAC acquired, enjoyed, and finally relinquished its share in mineral wealth of Zambia throws light on various aspects of this country's history during the whole colonial period. The significance of the BSAC for Northern Rhodesia began with the company's possession of mineral rights. The acquisition and defence of its rights caused the BSAC to become involved in the complex political and economic mechanism of colonial rule. The BSAC was empowered under the Royal Charter of 29 October, 1889, to expand the British Empire and to exploit colonial resources. After the death of Cecil J. Rhodes, the London Board of the BSAC decided to make the company into a vital commercial enterprise. So long as the BSAC administered the territory, the burdens of heavy administrative responsibilities and the finance of the railways by debenture issues guaranteed by BSAC proved a great strain on the company's resources. It sought to maintain a favourable managerial environment which might bring in commercial revenue in order to deter troubles inside the territory and interference from outside. The BSAC saw the territory as a black labour reserve with European population minimally sufficient to operate the mines. The first requirement was that the African population of Northern Rhodesia should remain peaceful and cooperative. The BSAC from early times relied on collaborative groups among the African people. The solution which the BSAC came to favour for its political status in Northern Rhodesia was joint administration with Southern Rhodesia, followed by the entry of both into the Union of South Africa. The settlers of Southern and Northern Rhodesia opposed the company's policy. The BSAC's final recourse in such circumstances was negotiated settlement with the British Government. In consequence, Southern Rhodesia proceeded to responsible government, the BSAC was relieved by the Colonial Office of direct responsibility for the administration of Northern Rhodesia and could concentrate on preserving its commercial assets intact. The retension by the company of the mineral rights under the terms of the 1923 settlement and the development of the copper industry gave the “mineral right question” a prominent place in the political and economic history of Northern Rhodesia.