The Nigerian economy has experienced uncommon up-and-down during last decades; “oil-boom” in 1970s and “oil-doom” in 1980s. This sharp fluctuations in economy had very strong influence even in rural society. This paper aims to show current agricultural production system which has experienced rapid economic change since 1970. Field survey was carried out in 1989 at an Igbira village called Ebiya which is located about 20km east of Okene, Kwara state. At the field survey, the authors laid stress on two points. One is about agricultural production system which was done by questionnaire, and the other is about land use pattern for which the authors had measured the whole farm land of two households. The results of field survey can be summarized as follows. 1) Various crops, both root crops and cereals, are cultivated in Ebiya village, however, cassava has become the most important crop as a cash crop. 2) For land clearance and weeding, farmers are employing agricultural labor. On the contrary, traditional mutual-help-type of work has only little importance in farming. 3) Cultivated land of the two households are about 1.8 ha in extent, which are not so large even compared with the case of southern Nigeria. In both households, househeads and their sons play important role in farming. 4) There are various type of cropping, namely, cropping patterns range from single cropping to four crops combination. But cassava is planted in the largest area. The percentage of area planted cassava to total cultivated land today seems to be much higher than that of 1960s. 5) Basic pattern of annual agricultural work has not changed too much. Planting starts at the beginning of rainy season and harvesting work is done at the end of rainy season for almost all crops. However, the case of cassava is peculiar one. It is planted and harvested in various seasons. Agricultural production system and cultivation system in Ebiya village can be considered to have experienced great change under the “oil-boom” in 1970s. That is to say, increased outflow of young labor from villages caused heavy dependence on employed labor in agricultural work. And increase in cultivation of cassava means that farmers have a tendency to adopt labor-extensive farming. As a result of it, cultivation system has also changed. These trends which have been strengthened in 1970s seem to continue even by the end of 1980s.
The Republic of Kenya banned all hunting in 1977, which made ordinary farmers unable to kill wild animals even to protect their crops, livestock and properties. Instead, the Kenya government introduced a compensation system for damage. The author visited several Districts in Kenya to study the current situation of damage caused by wild animals in 1986 and 1988-89. Many wild animals caused damage in Narok and Machakos Districts. In Taita-Taveta, Kwale and Meru Districts much damage was caused by elephants. Farmers in Meru District claimed that elephants which have damaged their crops come from nearby National Parks and Reserves. The Kenya government, considering claims, has constructed electric fences partly around the Meru National Park. The invasion of elephants into farmlands, however, has still continued. Farmers have tried to chase elephants away by using torches and noise, but in vain. To protect wildlife, including elephants, we have to support farmers in their efforts to solve the conflict between them and wildlife.
This study describes how the vocal repertoire of wild pygmy chimpanzees reflects their social relationships. The data were collected from the El and E2 groups at Wamba, in central Zaire. The pygmy chimpanzee vocal repertoire in Wamba was divided into six categories based on the vocal sounds and social contexts. Note that this repertoire lacks vocalizations emitted during dyadic interactions. Directed vocalizations were emitted by a single individual, and others rarely responded. The most important category in pygmy chimpanzee vocal repertoire is “Hooting” as contact call. However, the individual vocal variation was so small that it was hard to identify pygmy chimpanzees by their vocalizations only. They were also hard to identify by their vocalizations becauses all members of a party emitted loud Hooting simultaneously. Synchronization or turn-taking during vocal chorus was rare. The contact calls of the pygmy chimpanzee of Wamba has two particular social features. (1) Many individuals can participate at the same time or the equivalent way using the same vocalizations. In these situations, neither dominant-subordinate relationships nor other relations between particular two individuals become evident. (2) Information involved in the communication can be obtained just by hearing the vocalization of others. Each participant may select two opposite behaviors according to these two features either (1) vocalizing with others or (2) listening to the vocalization of others. Pygmy chimpanzees seem to attach more importance to (1) than (2); they prefer joining vocalization to listening. This characteristic of pygmy chimpanzee vocal communication may reflect a unique character of their society. The pygmy chimpanzee group seldom disperses into small parties, and moves in a large single party including almost all members of the group. From their social interactions, no particular affinitive relationship except between mother and offspring could be discerned. This pattern of pygmy chimpanzee vocal communication may indicate that their tendency to gather in a large party is not due to the network of affinitive dyadic social relationships, but to their preference to “gather” itself; each member of the group interacts equally with almost all members of a group.