There have been many papers which have analyzed the multilingual situation in Tanzania, especially the relation between Swahili and English, on the one hand, and between Swahili and other ethnic languages on the other; in particular since the country's independence. Today Swahili, other than English or any other ethnic languages, is used in most functions in Tanzania. It is therefore true to say that Swahili has been given a high prestige as the National Language. But, when we say ‘Swahili’ what variety of the language do we mean? The variety that is used in so-called official situations, such as in education, mass communication etc., is called ‘Standard Swahili’ (or ‘Kiswahili Sanifu’ in Swahili). However, not enough analysis has been done concerning the relation between Kiswahili Sanifu and the other Swahili dialects, how it has influenced them or been influenced by them at both the phonological and lexical levels. Furthermore, the Swahili speakers' knowledge and attitudes to Kiswahili Sanifu has not been the subject of much discussion. The aim of this paper, then, is to analyse language use and language attitudes in the coastal areas where Swahili is the predominant language. We chose Zanzibar and Pemba Islands as the main research areas because they have many dialects that have not been well researched. We used a questionnaire of 28 questions, and interviewed 100 informants who were native Swahili speakers. The questions basically dealt with the speakers' language use and language attitudes, and especially the way they saw the relationship and differences between Kiswahili Sanifu and their own speech varieties. Our findings show that there are big differences in perceptions of the speakers concerning the language they use, and their attitudes towards Kiswahili Sanifu, depending on their place of birth, their present place of residence, their education, their occupation, and so on. Although they acknowledge that they speak Swahili, they are not very clear on the relationship between their variety of Swahili and other varieties sharing the same designation. At the same time there seems to be a complex inter-twining of the different dialects in actual use, but it is an issue that requires further research.
La Compagnie française des Indes, crée en 1719, obtint le privilège de la traite des noirs en Afrique occidentale, depuis le Cap-Blanc jusqu'au Cap de Bonne-Espérance. En 1726, elle abandonna son droit exclusif sur la Guinée, régions situées au sud de la Sierra Leone, et elle continua son administration de la concession du Sénégal jusqu'à 1767, date de sa liquidation. Le premier point d'analyse: la différenciation de la situation du commerce entre Sénégal et Guinée. Depuis la deuxième moitié du 17e siècle, les français entretinrent des comptoirs et des escales qui constituèrent leurs réseaux commerciaux au Sénégal tandis qu'ils n'eurent qu'une position isollée, Juda, en Guinée. La traite des noirs se concentra essentiellement au Sénégal. Le deuxième point: l'administration de la concession du Sénégal par la Compagnie des Indes. Le présent article étudie le Journal d'un voiage fait en Bambouc en 1744 par Pierre David, directeur général de la concession. Celui-ci, après les difficultés surgirent au début des annees 1740, négocia avec les bakélis, maîtres du commerce de Galam, et les saatigi, chefs de caravane indigène. Ses contacts directs lui permirent de reconstituer les liens commerciaux et donnèrent de la vigueur aux réseaux du transport des marchandises. La traite des noirs crût en nombre et le commerce du Sénégal par la Compagnie fut à son apogée pendant les années 1745-1755. Le maintien de la sphère commerciale et les liaisons administratives francosènègalaises furent assises du monopole de la Compagnie.
West Africa was the most peaceful sub-region in Africa until the end of the 1980s. Although the other African sub-regions faced devastating civil wars and severe interstate conflicts, apart from the Nigerian Civil War (1967-70), in the Cold War era West Africa underwent neither large-scale international conflicts nor prolonged civil wars which threatened sub-regional security. However, this starkly contrasted with widespread internal violence and military coups in the sub-region. Nearly a half of successful military coups in independent Africa took place in West Africa. The reality of Pax West Africana in the Cold War era can be characterised by negative and limited peace with domestic political instability such as military coups. However this negative sub-regional peace was broken by the erupt of civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) played a leading role in conflict resolution of the virulent civil wars, establishing the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) at its own initiative and militarily intervening in the conflicts. The aim of this article is to examine the root of ECOMOG. Although ECOMOG is labelled by ECOWAS as its own sub-regional peace-keeping force, the author believes that the root of ECOMOG is in the tradition of “armies on loan, ” which is one form of the use of military power in interstate relations of independent Africa. African states have often deployed elements of the armed forces in open support of foreign policy objectives on other African countries. ECOMOG is not a neutral peacekeeping force but multilateral “armies on loan” whose purpose is to provide military assistance to threatened regimes or governments in West Africa.
Since the early 1980s African countries have worked out new conservation policies which promote not only conservation of natural resources but also development of local welfare around the conservation areas. The study about local livelihood is one of the approaches to the issue. This paper sheds light on the relation between Serengeti National Park (SNP) and Robanda village in terms of subsistence strategies of households. The results of survey are summarized as follows: (1) Their crop harvest was not enough to supply food whole year and livestock keeping was insufficient to compensate it. Other income generating activities are essential for their livelihood. (2) Their income generating activities are divided into three types based on the sources of income. NP type and NP-village mixed type activities, which 40% of households engaged in, bring cash from SNP related organizations and individuals to the village. Then intra-village type activities have the function to distribute those cash to other households. (3) This situation has been realized by tourism development of SNP since 90s. The significant role for Robanda villager's livelihood is played by intra-village type activities. People who don't have any means to approach the SNP related income, especially women, have modified traditional activities, and revitalized cash flow. Through intra-village activities, the villagers are tied with SNP. Then, relationship between SNP and subsistence strategies of villagers would be diversified as villager's recognition to SNP have diversified.
In this note, we firstly trace the changes in the land system mainly in the Buganda kingdom in Uganda since the begining of British colonization in the late ninteenth century till the abolition of kingships by establishment of the (Republican) Constisution in September 1967. Secondly, we consider the significance and the role of the land system of the Buganda kingdom during the colonial period. The Uganda Agreement which was signed in 1900 was the earliest one and had become the foundation of other agreements between the Buganda kingdom and the British colonial government until the abolition of kingship. The first aim of this agreement was to define the relation between the two governments and the political and the legal roles of the kingdom. The second aim was to decide the basic land policy on the Buganda kingdom. The intention of Johnston who made this land policy would have been to remove the confusion and the complexity which the ‘communal’ or ‘tribal’ land tenure system had. In a ‘traditional’ African society, the land tenure system was interwoven with the political system. The colonial government, however, codified the land ordinances or the land agreements and systematized the land ownership. It was a conversion from the ‘traditional’ political system of the kingdom of which power based upon the ambiguous and illusory myths to the ‘modern’ political system of a state of which power laid down law. Throughout the colonial piriod, the land system which closely related to the ordinances or the agreements which guaranteed the existence of the kingdom and the Native Court were the origin of the power of the king and the Native Government. These two political institutions were the most important institutions for the both governments of the kingdom of Buganda and of the British colonial authority which wanted to rule ‘indirectly’ through the government of the kingdom.