This paper aims to classify work opportunities, considering the spatial structure of India by using the statistical techniques of principal component analysis (PCA) and cluster analysis (CA). District level data of B series-economic tables of the 2011 Census of India are main data sources used in the analyses.

The results of the PCA were derived using 34 variables and records from 632 districts, pertaining to labour force status, industrial classification and class of workers. These variables were reduced to six principal components by the PCA: (1) diversified work opportunities in metropolitan regions, (2) government-related work opportunities, (3) stable work opportunities in agriculture and manufacturing sector, (4) less optional and unstable work opportunities in rural areas, (5) short-term work opportunities and (6) work opportunities in mining and quarrying sector. From these results, it became evident that the first of these principal components was typically found in metropolitan regions such as Mumbai, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Chennai and districts that are widely distributed from Delhi to Punjab in northern India. Not only consumer service, but also business service industries including ICT were dominant variables in the component.

Five regional types of work opportunities were classified using the CA according to scores assigned to the four principal components with the high eigenvalues. The study also indicated that the emergence of metropolitan regions is a key factor, which modified the spatial structure of India following the economic reforms during the 1990s. These findings support the hypothesis proposed by Okahashi that emphasises the function of the mega-region as a core region in the nation. Further research on the spatial structure of contemporary India and the internal structure of its mega-regions that feature economies with urban and industrial agglomeration are needed.

This paper examines the location change and growth process of the production areas in the Indian broiler industry. Chicken consumption in India has increased remarkably because of current economic development and the traditional religious backgrounds. In particular, large proportions of Indian population are Hindu or Muslim and eating chicken is more acceptable from a religious viewpoint. Hence, broiler production areas have expanded from South India since the 1980s. The geographical impact of this "Pink Revolution" coming after the "Green Revolution" and "White Revolution" is attracting much attention.

The Indian broiler industry has been characterized as the regional difference between North and South for a long time. Concretely, many poultry companies and broiler production areas developed traditionally in South India, whereas a few production areas existed in North India. However, since the end of the 1990s, new production areas have grown rapidly in North India, especially in Haryana state.

Therefore, the author conducted field surveys in the two tahsils (administrative divisions) of Haryana state from 2016 to 2017. The results show that the traditional grain production areas have changed drastically, with many farmers starting to raise broilers and constructing two-story poultry sheds everywhere. The landscape of these tahsils has changed significantly by the diffusion of broiler production in the last two decades.

However, most of the broiler farmers in these tahsils didn't receive financial and technical help from the government when they started to broiler farming. Thus, the technical levels of these broiler farms are relatively low. Accordingly, it can be concluded that new production areas in Haryana state are vulnerable to higher risk of chicken diseases such as avian influenza. Countermeasures against chicken diseases must be undertaken in these areas by the central government of India and by the Haryana state.

This study aims to clarify the spatial structure of the Indian textile and apparel industry by characteristics of industrial structure, development process of major agglomerations, business relationships of companies and analysis of supply area of workers.

In the spinning process, Tamil Nadu State is the main producing area. The woven cloth producing area is mainly in Maharashtra State, Tamil Nadu State, Gujarat State. The sewing (apparel) process showed a relatively tendency to disperse, respectively. The cases of Coimbatore as a spinning producing region and Surat as a woven fabric process region shows that brokers, agents and wholesalers are linking orderers and contractors, and they mediate transactions between processes and between production areas. That makes it possible for inter-regional product division of labor in this industry. Regarding to the supply area of workers, South India has accepted a large number of migrant workers from North and East India since the 2000's. It means that the labor force of the Indian textile and apparel industry relies nationally on migrant workers from North and East India.

This paper examines socio-economic change in two urbanized villages on the periphery of Delhi, following rapid urbanization and industrialization. With land acquisition by the state governments for development purposes, the number of landless households has increased and agriculture in the villages has drastically declined. A number of farmers have abandoned farming. Many have used the compensation money they received for their land to purchase new parcels of land or to enlarge and /or remodel their houses in order to lease-out the land or rooms. The influx of newcomers stimulated the room rental business as well as shop keeping in the villages. The households that originally had substantial agricultural land, and also enjoyed opportunities for non-agricultural employment, have kept their economic status in the villages unchanged, even after the land acquisition. Diversification of non-agricultural employment opportunities as well as the influx of newcomers can result in the fragmentation of society. Multi-story houses have steadily replaced the original rural houses in the villages. However, village infrastructure has not improved much owing to the lack of administrative effort. The residential areas of the two villages discussed in this paper, which can now be considered urban villages, have been excluded from the urban planning of the nearby megacity and have remained underdeveloped. Nevertheless, the villages provide cheap accommodation for local workers and largely contribute to reproducing the labor force in the megacity.

This paper intends to clarify the recent structural changes in Himalayan mountain regions under the rapid growth of the Indian economy, focusing on industrial and agricultural development, and to examine developmental issues from the view point of peripheralization and sustainability. Main study areas are the Uttarakhand (UK) state and the Himachal Pradesh (HP) state located in the western part of Indian Himalayas. Both states have suffered from underdevelopment: lack of accessibility, lack of jobs, and outflow of workforce, resulting from the conditions of the mountain regions being less favored.

However, the states have recently shown the remarkable growth of the economy for which the special attention has been paid in India. Such economic growth of the states in the 2000's has been mainly attributed to the large-scale industrialization because of its favorable location in the Punjab-Delhi Mega-Region. It depends on new industrial policies in the states under the special category status legislated by the government of India. However, there are some differences in the industrial process between the states before 2000. HP was more successful in industrial development than UK which experienced a botched attempt at industrialization in the mountainous areas.

As for the agricultural development, HP has exhibited a conspicuous trend of growth, especially in apple production which improved the economic condition of mountain farmers. On the other hand, UK has no successful results, though the government has made an effort to develop tea production and appealed an Organic State as a vision.

What are the main factors contributing to the differences in economic development between two states? The author pointed out three factors: the establishment year of the states, the closeness to the industrial cluster, and the level of urbanization.

Considering the developmental issues from the view point of the peripheralization and sustainability, it is important to note the significance of water resource development, biodiversity, and the conflict between conservation and tourism.

We can conclude that both mountain states show increasing conflict in the developmental vision and strategy under the recent economic growth.

Since the turn of the century, India has experienced dramatic economic growth and has emerged as the 7th largest economy in the world. However, the growth of India's economy has widened regional disparities between states. The per capita Net State Domestic Products (NSDP) in 2013 clearly reveals that north-south and east-west economic divides have appeared across India as a whole. Specifically, states belonging to Northeast India have exhibited poor economic conditions. Meanwhile, the distribution of relatively prosperous states is confined to Western and Southern India. As this area of India is shaped somewhat like a banana, this study refers to it as "India's Banana," similar to the "Blue Banana" of Europe.

In order to understand the dynamic formation of "India's Banana," this study examined the location pattern of three leading manufacturing industries: coke and refined petroleum, basic metals, and automobiles. Of these, the location of the automobile industry has the most harmonic spatial pattern to "India's Banana." The industry has formed an "auto crescent" at the national level with three dominant production centers: the National Capital Region (NCR) of Delhi, Western Maharashtra and Chennai-Bangalore. An investigation of the NCR of Delhi indicated that there were two contradictory spatial trends. First, locations of vehicle assembly plants as well as component suppliers' plants have spread outward along highway NH48, which has led to the development of an "auto corridor." At the same time, the component suppliers have set up branch plants in other production centers and sub-centers exclusively within the auto crescent. As a result, automobile industry production facilities are unevenly distributed across India.

On the contrary, procurement of workers by the industry has spawned quite different spatial patterns. Contract workers, who faced unstable working conditions and low wages, have become dominant in the workforce. The automobile industry has created not only a middle class that consists of permanent staff and workers but also a working poor class including contract-based workers. Moreover, the contract workers mostly originated from one specific region, the "contract workers' belt," which extends from UP to Bihar. Younger men who had lived in economically weaker regions are involved in the auto crescent as a socio-economically vulnerable working class, which is one spatial consequence of India's industrialization. The relationship between the auto crescent and the contract workers' belt seems to have formed a center–periphery structure in contemporary India. Moreover, this structure may have an impact on the north-south, east-west divided spatial structure of the India's national economy. In order to develop this discussion, further studies are highly recommended.