The factors which complicate the rice export system in Thailand are as follows :
(1) Both private and government exports occur.
(2) Three kinds of export duties are levied on private rice exports, i. e., i) rice export premium (specific duty), ii) rice export tax (ad valorem), iii) local tax on rice export (specific duty).
(3) Export quota are assigned to private rice exporters.
(4) A "reserve stock policy" is executed : Private exporters are required to sell quantities of rice to the government agency which are equivalent to a certain proportion to their rice exports at prices generally lower than their purchasing prices. The government in turn sells rice out of the reserve stock at prices lower than corresponding market prices as circumstances require. In this paper the author refer to this policy as "export-linked low-price selling."
 In this paper diagrams are mainly used, and an enphasis is placed on the analysis of the case when both single amalgamated "rice export duty" and "export-linked low-price selling" occur. The major objective of this paper is to analyze the following problems assuming the reserve stock is not sold : i) What will be the market equilibrium situation? ii) What are the effects of changes of the three policy variables (i. e., the rate of export duty, and both the proportion which exporters are required to sell to the government and the price at which these sales occur) on the equilibrium? iii) How and by how much do producers' surplus, domestic consumers' surplus and the revenue of the Thai government at equilibrium for the above mentioned case differ from those at equilibrium under the condition of free trade? Further, how and by how much is the sum of the above three changed by government intervention in the Thai rice export market?
 Finally, the paper considers the equilibrium situation when the government sells a certain amount of rice out of the reserve stock.

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 In this paper the formation, the mechanism, the objectives, and the arguments concerning the rice premium (specific rice export tax) policy of Thailand are discussed. The rice premium policy is considered to have been instituted in 1955,but a special levy among other levies on commercial rice export, the rice premium, was collected from 1951. The extraction of large amounts of government revenue from Thai rice export started in 1946. The deep roots of this policy can be shown by : (1) The Thai government traditionally adhered to rice export tax from the middle of the 19th century, and (2) The rice premium or other levies on rice export from 1946 seem to fill the vacuum in government revenue caused by the abolition of the traditionally important land tax and capitation in 1938.
 From 1955 the rice premium policy has been effective with occasional application of export quotas. Under the relatively stable world rice market from 1955 to 1965, the rice premium policy was mainly used for the purpose of earning government revenue. But because of the explosive price fluctuation in the world rice market since 1966, the policy began to be used effectively for stabilization of the domestic rice price with the help of the export quota. These two rice export policies were used complementarily in the very unstable world and domestic rice conditions.
 Concerning the dispute about the rice premium policy, the empirical and theoretical analysis in this paper showed that the world rice market that Thailand faces is imperfectly competitive. Thus most of the critics' assertions are shown to be wrong and require considerable revision, and the proponents' positions are mostly substantiated.

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 Although there have been many studies intended to assess soil fertility, no established method for drawing quantitative conclusions relative to soil fertility is yet available. In this study the method of principal factor analysis was successfully applied to a set of 11 variables (TC, TN, NH_3-N, TP, Bray-P, HCl-P, Ex-(Ca+Mg), Ex-K, CEC, Available Silica, and Sand) routinely analyzed in the soil laboratory.
 Three mutually independent and clearly definable fertility component factors were extracted from these data on 410 tropical Asian paddy soils. They were named as inherent potentiality, organic matter-nitrogen status, and available phosphorus status. Inherent potentiality is closely related to the nature and amount of clay and the base status of soil. So it shows close relationship with the soil material classification set up in the previous study.
 The samples from each country or region were characterized by the scores of these three factors. Furthermore, based on the factor scores, a five-grade classification (very high, high, intermediate, low, very low) for each of the three fertility components was set up.
 The possibility of using these fertility components in a multiple regression analysis for crop yield prediction has also been suggested.

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 In the modern legal history of Thailand, one finds two notable aspects : the evanescence of the Constitution and traditional law-making methods especially as evinced in Prakat Khǒng Khana-Patiwat (Revolutionary Party Edicts). The aim of this paper is to analyze the traditional legal system which was built up during the long period from Ayutthaya to the early Bangkok days, for the purpose of grasping the above remarkable legal aspects.
 The traditional legal system of Thailand mainly consisted of Thammasat (Dharma-sâstra) and Ratchasat (Royal Order). Though each of them apparently gave way to Ratthathammanun (Constitution) and Khanasat (the author's coined word, meaning Order of Khana) at the time of the Revolution of 1932, vestiges of the traditional system are still found in the modern legal system, often running counter to the principles of constitutional government introduced from Europe.

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 This report aims at presenting the characteristics of rural leaders, especially those of hamlet chiefs, in the Mekong Delta region of Vietnam in the last days of the Thieu Government, based on a field survey from December 1974 to January 1975.
  In the Delta region hamlets are larger in size, and houses are more scattered, than in North or Central Vietnam. This fact makes the function of village leaders somewhat weak and limited. In spite of this overall similarity, regional differences in leadership are clearly marked, reflecting the physiographical, historical, and religious background of each area. Major types are associated with traditional Vietnamese dominant areas, Khmer dominant areas, and areas where a specific religion is dominant, respectively.
 Apart from the variation mentioned above, the war-time situation was found to be seriously affecting the character of formal leadership. Younger people in their twenties or thirties tended to be hamlet chief rather than village elders, and they had little support from their own generation owing to the peculiar age structure of each village, which lacks this generation as a result of the heavy draft. In less secure areas hamlet chiefs were usually appointed from among ex-soldiers etc. from outside, as few residents were willing to take this responsibility. In some places, these chiefs could barely perform their governmental assignments.

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 When one wants to research land or water resources in Southeast Asia, one meets difficulties in using topographical maps or aerial photographs, because security considerations make governments worry of mapping operations. Therefore, instead of using aerial photographs, the writer has attempted to use photographs taken by ERTS which have no restrictions their use. An area of the eastern part of Java was selected partly because when photographs were taken, there were no clouds, and partly because many active volcanoes, the largest alluvial plain in Java, and a big city (Suravaja) are included in the photograph. Utilizing these photographs, the writer has classified the area geomorphologically and found the following facts.
 (1) When one wants to classify land geomorphologically, the 7th band, i. e. near infrared, photographs are most suitable. In these photographs, water surfaces : rivers, lakes, seas, etc. appear black, and marshes as light black; on the other hand, dry areas : the tops of volcanoes and natural levees, appear white. Utilizing this color contrast, we can classify the area.
  (2) Utilizing mainly photographs by ERTS, topographical maps or geological maps as supplements, the writer could classify the area into the following geomorphological elements : volcano, hill, terrace and alluvial plain.
 (3) Volcanoes could be classified as follows : crater or caldera, volcanoes with large relief energy and those with small relief energy, and piedmont gentle slopes. The walls of calderas are shown very cleary in the photographs and one can measure their diameter. Furthermore, one can see the central cone in calderas. A volcano which has large relief energy is shown as white due to the fact that the ground water level is deep; on the other hand a volcano which has small relief energy is a light black color. And one can observe the size and number of valleys. Based on the state of the valley, one can divide the volcanoes into young volcanoes and old volcanoes. Furthermore, we could see the relationship between erosion on the steep slopes of mountains and deposition at the foot of these mountains. Using the present state of erosion and deposition, one can estimate erosion and deposition which will occur in the near future, too.
 (4) The hills and terraces are classified as follows : tertiary hills, limestone terraces, and terraces. We could trace the boundary of the limestone terrace due to its special relief pattern against the terrace.
 (5) The alluvial plain is divided into two parts : natural levees and back-swamp, and delta areas. Furthermore, we could estimate agents of back-swamp formation by photo interpretation.

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