After the end of World War II, Southeast Asia became a field of international conflicts, which climaxed with the Vietnam War. Southeast Asia saw its own version of the Cold War, during which period the United States of America created several “penetrated systems” in the region. A “penetrated system” means a political system whose administrative function, budgeting, maintenance of stability and security and, sometimes, even legitimatization are achieved, supplemented or reinforced by the intervention of foreign actors. This type of political system implies amalgamation of interests on the part of a major power, which aims to intervene for strategic purposes, and a weaker state whose leadership must rely on external intervention for its own security and survival.
 Thailand after 1950 was a typical “penetrated system.” The nature of military regimes in Thailand was conducive to intervention in many sectors of the society by the United States of America. With its strategic position vis-a-vis communist China and Indochina, Thailand had to be a bastion of the American military presence. Accordingly, the Thai political system became a typical “penetrated system,” which lasted until the debacle of Vietnam in 1975.
 This essay, which has three parts, tries to clarify the concept of a “penetrated system” and then to verify that Thailand was a typical case of such a system. The final part analyses empirically the final phase of the Thanoom's military regime, which marked the apex of external penetration.

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Since its founding in 1922 by Ki Hadjar Dewantara at Yogyakarta, the Taman Siswa (“Garden of Pupils”) has always been identified with the nationalist movement in Indonesia. After the Independence of the Republic of Indonesia in 1945 its expansion accelerated owing to its popularity, as Taman Siswa was considered an authentic national educational institution. By the end of the 1950s, one hundred sixty-four Taman Siswa branches with a total of about fifty thousand pupils were established throughout Indonesia.
 However, the horizontal expansion of the Taman Siswa schools into various regions of the Republic and the vertical recruitment of teachers from different social backgrounds, coupled with the growing penetration of political influence from every party and mass organization, inevitably resulted in inter-and intra-branch tension and conflict. The conflict between the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) group and the non-PKI group in Taman Siswa grew particularly conspicuous as PKI became Indonesia's most powerful and well-organized political party in the years of Guided Democracy, from 1959 to 1965.
 This article is a preliminary study of the critical juncture of the Taman Siswa movement after the shock of the “Coup of September 30, 1965.” It was a period when Taman Siswa had to deal with conflict within its ranks, as well as trying effectively to adjust to the drastic change in the political situation since the “Coup.”

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The population of Malay villages seems to have been rather unstable and mobile since the traditional period : a part of the population has often moved to new settlements, depending on the crowdedness of the original settlement and the accessibility of new land. This characteristic is still maintained to some extent among the present-day Malay villagers. This report deals with the case of Galok, a settlement opened in the last decade of nineteenth century about 40 kilometers up the Kelantan River, based on field data collected in 1970/71 and 1984. The population of Galok increased within the village at the rate of only 0.4 percent, in spite of the high natural growth of 3.1 percent in the same period. Rural-rural migration still plays an important part, though rural-urban migration has become popular among the young people. This out-migration has somewhat mitigated the partition of landholding. Another important feature of the pupulation change is in the household composition : many households have experienced a remarkable reorganization during this period, reflecting the elastic and flexible character of the bilateral kinship system among the Malays.

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The population dynamics of Don Daeng, a rice-growing village in Northeast Thailand, was studied as part of an integrated village study program in 1981-1984. The mortaity and fertility rates since the 1930s were determined from data obtained by interviewing 232 ever-married women who gave birth to 876 children, while those for the preceding periods were estimated from the village population in three separate years and by extrapolation of the trend since the 1930s, which was adjusted for the results of the national censuses.
 From the mortality and fertility rates thus estimated for four periods, the village population at the end of each of the periods was calculated by assuming a closed population during that period. The differences between the actual and calculated populations indicate roughly the tendency for emigration or immigration during the period. The results are summarized below. [table]
 Immigration dominated until the early 1940s, when paddy acreage could no longer be expanded, and since then emigration has taken place. Until recently, most emigrants have made for frontier lands. It appears that a wave of pioneer peasants from the Chi valley in the Khorat plateau reached Don Daeng in the late 19th century, and proceeded further westward.

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Based on a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model of Thailand, this paper quantitatively evaluates the impacts on the Thai economy caused by such external and internal shocks as oil price changes, fiscal and financial policies, tax policies, structural and technological changes, and so on, from the point of view of comparative statics in 1982. Results are summarized as ten implications for the Thai economy.
 The CGE model of Thailand has three major characteristics. First, the model integrates real and financial sectors to determine the absolute level of prices. Second, the model endogenously determines the exchange rate, covering fixed, partially flexible, and completely flexible exchange rate systems. Third, the model formulates the labor market along a line similar to dualistic development theories, dividing it into formal and informal sectors.
 This is a condensed version of the paper in English with the same title, which appeared in M. Ezaki, ed. Development Planning and Policies in ASEAN Countries, CSEAS, Kyoto Univ., March 1987. See the original paper for details.

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