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Volume 32, Issue 1
Displaying 1-6 of 6 articles from this issue
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Articles
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A Case Study in Yasothon Province, Northeast ThailandYasuyuki Kono, Suman Suapati, Shinya Takeda1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 3-33
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn Northeast Thailand, upland is a place of conflict between upland field expansion and forest conservation, and between land suitability and external market demand. This paper highlights the dynamic process of upland utilization and forest land management during the last several decades through a case study of upland in an area dominated by paddy fields in Yasothon province, and discusses the impacts of commercial cultivation on land resources management. Upland utilization showed dynamic changes according to individual villagers' demands for upland crop cultivation, and forest land management was also affected by this demand. Nevertheless, upland utilization was, as a whole, well balanced between upland field expansion and forest conservation. Diversification of villagers' income sources is found to be a key issue in flexible and proper land resources management.View full abstractDownload PDF (2243K) -
Toru Aoyama1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 34-65
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe vast body of classical Javanese literature that directly or indirectly deals with what the Javanese perceived to be their past may be more coherently analyzed by defining &ｌｄquo;history” as the “world with its own time and space comprising the narrated stories of the past, the world that was imagined and shared by the reader.” The aim of this paper is to explicate from the narratological point of view how the “history” was structured and narrated, and to trace its development through several stages in premodern Javanese literature.
The first and most fundamental of all stages is that of Old Javanese literature, where the Indian theory of four yuga was adopted as the framework of “history” consisting of different ages, into which episodes of both Indian and Javanese origin were inserted as “modules.” It is on this “framework and module” principle that later Javanese literature, such as chronicles and prophetic literature, was able to expand the “history” of Java into a narrative ranging from Adam through the Pāṇḍawa to King Jayabaya and Muslim Mataram. On the other hand, the main narrative device of connecting the time of a narrated story and that of the reader changed from incarnation in the earlier stage to genealogy and prophecy, both of which had their precursors in Old Javanese literature, in the later stage.View full abstractDownload PDF (2635K) -
From the Early 18th Century to the 1820sAtuko Ohashi1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 66-119
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis article tries to outline the diminishing role of Priangan regents in coffee collection and transportation. Their activities are examined in four periods.
In the first period (early 1720s-early 1740s), the regents monopolized coffee collection in their regencies, and organized coffee transportation to Batavia/Cirebon. The VOC government in Batavia could not secure coffee without their activities. In the second period (mid-1740s-mid-1770s), the government started to develop the Batavian hinterland. Priangan regents enjoyed facilities offered by the government, such as coffee loans, and, at the same time, started loosing their independence in coffee transportation. In the third period (late 1770s-1799), the government dissolved the regents' monopoly of coffee collection in West Priangan. Transporters in the Batavian hinterland, together with middlemen and inhabitants in West Priangan, began to join in coffee collection and transportation, while the regents reduced their role and tended to gain parasitic profits in this field. In the fourth period (1800-1811), the government also dissolved the regents' monopoly of coffee collection in Central Priangan. Petty chiefs and inhabitants under the regents joined in the collection and transportation. Furthermore, in all regencies, the government transferred the power of financial management of coffee from regents to European officials. During the 1820s the Dutch government confirmed these policies.
Thus, in 100 years, the regents' role diminished from the monopolistic organizers of coffee transportation to Batavia/Cirebon, to middlemen who merely transported coffee to the government's transport centers in Priangan. This change seems to be part of the regents' reaction to a new transport and commercial environment, which was created by the government and transporters in the colonial cities. From the mid-18th century, the regents started to shift their main economic activities, from brokerage trade and transportation to agricultural development and exploitation.View full abstractDownload PDF (4161K) -
Akifumi Iwabuchi1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 120-137
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe southern part of the Southeast Aceh Regency of the Special Province of Aceh, Indonesia, is named Alasland now as in ages past. Before 1904, only the Alas people lived there, but since the 1920s Toba Batak migrants have flowed into Alasland, brought wasteland under cultivation, and built many villages there. They first settled in the southernmost area, partly because this area was all uninhabited forest, and partly because in the 1910s, when the political situation in Alasland became stable, a main road was opened between the forest area and Medan. After World War II, the number of the migrants grew rapidly. In 1985 there were 164 recognized villages in Alasland. Of these, 73 villages (45%) were occupied by Angkola Batak, Mandailing Batak, Gayo, Singkil, or Javanese migrants as well as Toba Batak migrants, who together accounted for half of the population of Alasland.
Because of a great difference between the Alas and the Toba Batak in terms of land rights, the former have lost a huge area of Alasland while the latter have gained large tracts of land there. Among the Toba Batak, a special land right called golat, which is the right of disposal, is observed. The patrilineal descent group owns this land right, and the members exercise the right of possession only. Normally, therefore, the Toba Batak people are not allowed to sell their land. On the other hand, the Alas people have the right of land ownership. Because of this right, the Alas have been able to give or sell immense areas of unoccupied wasteland to Toba Batak migrants since the colonial era. The increasing population of Toba Batak migrants in Alasland has now caused economic imbalance and religious antagonism between the Alas and the Toba Batak. In addition, the Alas traditional pattern of clearing forest to build new hamlets has been destroyed by the disappearance of uninhabited forest.View full abstractDownload PDF (1567K)
Field Reports
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Narifumi Tachimoto1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 138-139
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (280K) -
Yukio Hayashi1994 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 139-141
Published: June 30, 1994
Released on J-STAGE: February 28, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (361K)
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