Japanese Journal of Southeast Asian Studies
Online ISSN : 2424-1377
Print ISSN : 0563-8682
ISSN-L : 0563-8682
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Volume 19, Issue 4
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
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  • The Phibun Regime in Thailand and the Pacific War
    Toshiharu Yoshikawa
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 363-387
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_363
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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     Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, the Prime Minister of Thailand during the Pacific War, is said to have been a dictator, a chauvinist and a militarist, and to have erred in trying to revive old Siam by military means. But the minutes of the Cabinet conference, Phibun's speeches, the Ratthaniyom principles, Thai Code of Valour and Phibun's own behavior during his regime reveal his thoughts and actions as a campaign to foster the civilization of Thailand and to restore her honor and face among nations.
      He renamed the country "Thailand" on June 24, 1939 because the old name Siam was associated with absolute monarchy, Westerner worship, arbitary Chinese action, a national inferiority complex and old customs. It was his aim to dispel these associations and to prompt constitutional monarchy, the civilization of the country and the modernization of the people.
      The Phibun regime intended to reduce Western political power and Chinese economic power. Japan also had an interest in destroying Western power in Southeast Asia and replacing it with her own. Phibun used Japanese power to carry out his policy. Japan treated Thailand as an important nation in Southeast Asia before the Pacific War, so she could move her forces through Thai territory and obtain necessary facilities. Phibun cooperated with Japan for only one year during the war, then switched to the promotion of an anti-Japanese strategic plan, because he thought that cooperation with Japan did not bring honor and face either to Thailand or to himself.
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  • The Prehistory of the O. S. K.'s Java Line
    On the O.S.K.'s Research in Southeast Asian Waters before the First World War
    Kunio Katayama
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 388-411
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_388
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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     Before the First World War, Southeast Asian waters were in the tight grip of European shipping-British, French, Dutch, German and Scandinavian. The drive of Japanese shipping into these waters occurred during the First World War. O.S.K.'s Java line also began in this period, and although might appear that O.S.K. simply jumped on the bandwagon of the war boom, four research reports on Southeast Asian waters have been found that were written by O.S.K. staff before the war. The first study was made in 1900,the second in 1901,the third in 1905 and the fourth in 1912. These reports indicate the following.
      Firstly, the Government-General of Taiwan played an important role in the establishment of the Java line. The second study was clearly made at its request. If the O.S.K. would open a Java line, it promised to give subsidies to the line.
      Secondly, the last report had already come to the conclusion before the outbreak of the First World War that the Java line was operable and potentially profitable.
      Thirdly, the report's conclusion was not based on the quantity of trade between Japan and Indonesia, which was small at that time. Rather, cross trade, such as that between China, Malaya and Indonesia, was thought promising.
      Fourthly, O.S.K. staff were keen to compete with European shipping in Southeast Asian waters. They thought that friendship and cooperation between Japanese and other Asian people would be a fundamental factor in their success.
      One can conclude that the opening of O.S.K.'s Java line was not simply the result of opportunism in the shipping boom of the First World War.
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  • Industrialization, Female Labour Migration, and the Changing Pattern of Malay Women's Labour Force Participation:
    An Analysis of Interrelationship and Implications
    M. A. Jamilah
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 412-425
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_412
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Iglesia Ni Cristo
    A Case Study of a New Religious Movement in the Philippines
    Takefumi Terada
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 426-441
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_426
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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     This is a preliminary attempt to examine the history of a rapidly growing Christian movement in the Philippines today, the Iglesia Ni Cristo (INC) or the Church of Christ. The INC was formally founded in Manila in 1914 by Felix Manalo. As the founder and first Executive Minister of the church, Felix Manalo exercised charismatic leadership over his members through a highly-centralized organizational structure. Believing in the doctrine of Sugo, which identifies Felix Manalo as The Last Messenger of God prophesied in the Book of Revelation, members are convinced that there is no salvation outside the INC. The INC had a remarkable growth in membership after World War II, and by 1950 members were found in almost all provinces of the Philippines. Felix Manalo died in 1963 and was succeeded by his son, Erano Manalo, as the Executive Minister. The 1970 Census of the Philippines registered 475,407 (1.3% of the population) as INC members. Since 1968, the church has also established congregations abroad, mainly among Filipino immigrants. The INC is one of the few indigenous new religious movements to have successfully survived in the predominantly Catholic Philippine society. One of the major factors accounting for this has been the ability of the church to meet the needs of its constituents.
     This paper examines the history of the movement in four periods : formative period, 1914-1921; prewar and wartime period, 1922-1945; postwar period, 1946-1962; and the period since 1963.
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  • A Framework for Analysis of Budgetary Politics in Thailand
    Somphoch Nophakoon
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 442-455
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_442
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • A Comparative Study of Crude Drugs in Southeast Asia, Part Xll
    Jamu Materials in Yogyakarta(1)
    Aya Nitta
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 456-472
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_456
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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     Indonesian drug (jamu) materials of "traditional Javanese" type were collected from three shops in Yogyakarta, YJS in 1974, and YJJ and YJM in 1978. Sixty-one materials were obtained from YJS, and whose owner was a half-blooded Javanese-Chinese, and 66 and 55 from YJJ and YJM. The owner of YJJ was an old woman who spoke only Javanese. YJM was located in a food market and was owned by a Javanese who could speak Indonesian.
      Jamu samples comprised mainly plant materials, together with one animal, a kind of coral, and three minerals. Plant materials were divided into ten groups, namely wood-trunk, bark, rhizome, root, leaf, flower, fruit, seed, herb and others.
      This article deals with about a half of the plant materials, namely 43 kinds in the groups from wood-trunk to flower. Their botanical origins were identified, and the vernacular names cited in the literature are presented.
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Review Article
  • The Indonesian Nationalist Movement Seen through Dutch Colonial Government Documents
    Kenji Tsuchiya
    1982 Volume 19 Issue 4 Pages 473-479
    Published: 1982
    Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2018
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.20495/tak.19.4_473
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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     In spite of Bernhard Dahm’s recommendation of this book as “a first-rate scholarly work which enriches our knowledge about a crucial period in Indonesian history,” it displays some weaknesses.
     One of them is the writer’s attitude toward the documents he utilized in writing about the “crucial period” of 1927-1934. He seems, naively, not to have considered the basic nature of the “secret reports,” which were collected and/or written by the Dutch colonial government. I do not intend to discuss here the veracity of “the facts” which his search through massive files of “secret reports’’ unearthed. The point is that any “verbaal” which contained a lot of “secret reports” on a particular issue was first of all collected, classified and edited by Batavia’s government within, and according to, the particular context of the government itself. This is the fundamental nature of any “verbaal,” which literally means “report on an issue.” The facts in “secret reports” are, thus, always implanted in the colonial context, having been unreported from the “authentic” context, that of the Indonesian nationalist movement at the time.
     What is the context, then, within which the writer placed his “first-hand’’ facts? What kind of “lens” did he use through which to observe the crucial period? It appears to me that the writer has never considered these questions seriously. The result, therefore, is a “rather dry’’ studies, as was Blumberger’s pioneer work on the same period. But half a century has passed since Blumberger wrote, and during this half century several studies were appeared, including those of Pluvier, Van Niel, Dahm, Nagazumi, and Legge. It would have been better if the writer has grasped the problem(s) of the period, as was the case with these later studies, and not just considered the “facts.”
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Field Report etc.
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