The Taman Siswa school was founded in 1922 by several young Javanese aristocrats, most of whom belonged to the Paku Alam House of Jogjakarta. It started a pattern that would become significant to the nationalist movement in Indonesia. By 1930, fifty-seven Taman Siswa branches were established throughout Java and East Sumatra (Medan). The rapid expansion of the Taman Siswa, especially in the latter half of the 1920s, was a clear manifestation of the pervading spirit of "kerakyatan [people-ness]" and national awakening.
  However, the horizontal expansion of the Taman Siswa schools into the various regions of Java and Sumatra, coupled with the vertical recruitment of teachers from different social backgrounds, inevitably resulted in inter - and intra-branch tension and conflict. Nevertheless, the Taman Siswa movement was regarded within nationalist circles as its foremost "counter-institution, " not only against the colonial educational structure, but in general as an affront to the Dutch colonial regime.
  This article is a study of the critical juncture of the Taman Siswa movement in the late 1920s. It was a period when the Taman Siswa had to deal with conflict within its ranks, as well as trying to effectively implement its goal of providing an indigenous nationalist counter-model against Western educational institutions and the Dutch colonial administration.

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 The aims of this paper are to present some field data on the rites of passage of the Bontok Igorot of northern Luzon and to give a structural analysis of these ritual performances. Living space of the Bontok is classified into such categories as house, residential place, terrace field, forest and so on based on the relative degree of inside/outside opposition. The same principle of classification seems to be applied to the animal-plant categories and cooking categories as well as the categories of socio-religious activity. The ritual process of rites of passage is nothing but a transformational process of the category of human being. This symbolic transformation is realized by using many classified symbols such as animal, plant, living space and ambiguous boundary. Killing (head hunting, sacrifice, harvesting) and cooking are agents of transformation which act on categories of three levels of creatures such as men, animals and rice plants. Among the Bontok, ritual performance is a parol of the symbolic classification of their world, and ritual process is ordered by their fundamental classification systems and restricted agents of transformation.

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 Drastic economic changes are taking place in Malay villages, which are being accelerated by governmental development policy. Remarkable changes can be observed even in the village of Galok, which is situated neither in a double-cropping area nor in a rubber or oil palm estate area and thus tends to benefit less from development planning. The changes so far seen in Galok are as follows.
  The high-yielding varieties of paddy, which are important for rural development of double-cropping areas, have not been accepted in Galok because of the poor water conditions, although the villagers are continually trying to introduce new strains of traditional varieties. On the other hand, the hiring of tractors has spread in spite of the continuing instability of the harvest. Tractor hire became possible owing to the increased cash income deriving mainly from newly introduced tobacco cultivation. Tobacco cultivation in the dry-season paddy fields of Galok played as important a role as did the high-yiclding varieties in double-cropping area. The economic gap between Galok and the more rapidly developing areas is, however, still considerable. Thus, migrant working, which had once been important but had declined in the early years of tobacco cultivation, has again become popular among Galok youths. In this sense the Galok villagers seem to be following the example of the more modernized Melaka villagers.
  The influences of the outside world are not only economic but also sociocultural. The spread of formal education is one of the most remarkable features. Many village children now have experience or expectations of having Malay-medium high-school education, as a result of the above-mentioned increase of cash income and the priority given to Malays in the distribution of scholarships. On the other hand, the pondok school, the former center of traditional education, has almost completely ceased to function in the education of youth. School education has produced in village youths an urban or non-agricultural orientation, which is supported by their parents. Thus, the economic development of Galok seems to be leading towards an exodus of village youths.

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A format for field records for use with a soil data bank is described. It is aimed to collect field soil data in detail, and to retrieve them as text or as plots showing attribute distributions on a map with or without processing. This is particularly important for reclassifying the soil profiles and for reconstructing the soil map and soil units. The format is simple and easy to use, since many of the necessary properties are coded on the card. The manual for soil description integrates several methods, and is published in Discussion Paper Series of the CSEAS of Kyoto University (Furukawa, 1979).

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 A statistical analysis of the tsunamis caused by earthquakes in Indonesia was carried out to evaluate the frequency of tsunamis. After a geographical and chronological consideration of tsunami occurrence and the distribution of tsunami sources, recurrence of tsunami was analyzed with an assumption that tsunami occurrence follows a Poisson process. For the analysis of tsunamis with a variable of tsunami intensity, it seemed preferable to introduce a modified Poisson process. This analysis produces a probability for occurrence of a tsunami exceeding a given magnitude in a given period in Indonesia. Some comment is made on the locality of tsunami risk.

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