PETA (Tentara Pembela Tanah Air) was an Indonesian volunteer army organized under Japanese auspices in 1943 during the Japanese Occupation. In February 1945, one of the Battalions of the PETA Army, located at Blitar City, Kediri Residency, in East Java, rose in armed rebellion against Japanese rule. With Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho (Platoon Commander) as leader, several young officers of this Battalion began to plot an anti-Japanese revolt in September 1944. Their hatred and anger against Japan were caused primarily by the cruelty of the Japanese toward the Indonesian population, the pitiful condition of the Roomusha (forced laborers) in particular aroused bitter hatred in the hearts of PETA officers who had once worked with those Roomushas. The arrogant attitude of the Japanese Instructors appointed to each Battalion also irritated the Indonesian officers. Furthermore they felt that Indonesia should be totally liberated from Japanese rule. Taking all these factors into consideration, we can interpret this revolt as the prelude to the Indonesian Revolution, which began in August 1945.
  The Revolt, involving three-fourths of the soldiers of the Battalion, began at dawn on February 14. 4 Japanese civilians and 7 Chinese who were considered to be pro-Japanese, were killed, but the revolt was easily supressed because of lack of coordination with other Battalions combined with the fact that they had begun the revolt before their plans were complete. 55 of the revolutionaries were tried and sentenced. Six were sentenced to death and executed before the surrender of Japan. The leader of this revolt, Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho disappeared during the rebellion and has not been found to this day. Nonetheless, he was appointed the first Defense Minister and Supreme Commander of the Indonesian National Army, although he never actually assumed these posts. This demonstrates the extent of the influence of the Blitar Rebellion on the development of nationalism and the revolution in Indonesia.

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 (1) Phan Chu Trinh was born into a traditional village family of rural intellectuals in 1872. And Phan Boi Chau was born in 1867. Trinh, Chau and others with similar backgrounds became leaders of new movements around 1905. They condemned the existing educational and mandarinate examination system as well as corrupt officialdom, to which they attributed their nation's decline. They stressed the importance of introducing new thoughts, new knowledge and new education into the country, and advocated movements called Duy Tan (Innovation) and Dong Du (Visit-to-the-East).
  (2) The following factors which led younger Vietnamese intellectuals from traditionalism to modernism are noted. (a) The first and most basic factor was sensitivity to the humiliating loss of the country's sovereignty and the possibility that the nation would be destroyed. (b) Simultaneously they were disillusioned with the Vietnamese court and its mandarins, and because of this most of them were very hesitant about entering the service of the Emperor. (c) Consequently they no longer regarded the mandarinate examination as one of the primary goals of their lives. Once they began to feel this way, they hated this old-fashioned system all the more, because their youth was wasted studying for these examinations. (d) Around 1900, they became interested in Chinese ideas concerning modernization through which they learned of Japanese attempts to modernize together with those of Chinese. Inspired by these thoughts, the Vietnamese intellectuals became better able to articulate their feelings about Vietnam's fate and their doubts about the mandarinate and the examination systems.
 Thus the new Vietnamese intellectuals emerged as advocates of new movements in the first decade of the 20th century. These movements away from traditionalism were probably strengthened by the development of commerce in the country side.
 (3) Phan Chu Trinh, in his "Letter to the Governor-General, " reportedly written in 1906, appealed to the French to adopt a new policy to modernize Vietnam. In one sense, this was a challenge to the traditional Vietnamese elite. Trinh identified himself as a member of the new intellectuals and he claimed that they had the right to replace the mandarins who, he felt, had been obstructing the progress of the nation. The mandarins, of course, responded quickly. They were eventually successful in completely wiping out the new movements in 1908, when peasant demonstrations against taxation and corvé system were crushed.

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 In the modern legal history of Thailand, one finds two notable aspects : the evanescence of the Constitution and traditional law-making methods especially as evinced in Prakat Khǒng Khana-Patiwat (Revolutionary Party Edicts). The aim of this paper is to analyze the traditional legal system which was built up during the long period from Ayutthaya to the early Bangkok days, for the purpose of grasping the above remarkable legal aspects.
 The traditional legal system of Thailand mainly consisted of Thammasat (Dharma-sâstra) and Ratchasat (Royal Order). Though each of them apparently gave way to Ratthathammanun (Constitution) and Khanasat (the author's coined word, meaning Order of Khana) at the time of the Revolution of 1932, vestiges of the traditional system are still found in the modern legal system, often running counter to the principles of constitutional government introduced from Europe.

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 1. Basic concepts of the human physiology of thermoregulation are described.
 2. Studies on acclimatization to heat are reviewed on the basis of thermoregulatory functions, and changes in the pattern of physiological functions in acclimatization are discussed. It is clarified that the pattern of changes of physiological function differs according to the degree of acclimatization. For example, in the case of a man born and raised in a tropical region, the pattern of the sweating reflex to heat exposure and the number of active sweat glands are quite different as compared with those in the transitory acclimatization to hot summers of a man living in the temperate zone or in a cold climate.
 3. Group means of the basal metabolism (B. M.) of peoples living in various regions, from the temperate zone to tropical areas where the monthly mean temperature is from 8℃ to 35℃ were plotted against the monthly mean temperature at the time of B. M. measurment. It was ascertained that the B. M. is well correlated with temperature, and its regression line is expressed by the following equation : Y=41.78-0.208X, where Y is the group mean of B. M. and X is the monthly mean temperature.
 4. This correlation exists among peoples in Asia who eat rice and whose fat intake is below 25% of total caloric intake. In the case of Caucasians whose daily intake of fat is over 35% of total calories, the seasonal variation of B. M. which was found among Japanese disappears.
 5. It was found that a reduction of B. M. occurs in heat acclimatization, and this reduction is accelerated in people having rice as their staple food. As the wet cultivation of rice is well developed in Asia, where the climate is hot and humid, the peoples there use rice as their main food and thus their lives are well adapted to their hot and humid habitat, and this forms a well-developed ecosystem.
 6. Racial differences of physiological functions between tropical nations and those living in arctic or subarctic regions were compared, and an attempt was made to explain those differences as adaptative differentiation which may develop into an apparently gentic differentiation.

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 In the previous paper, about half the Chinese crude drugs collected at Kuching were described, together with the groups (A to F) into which they are cut for use.
 The remaining 232 drugs are described and discussed according to their origin as in the previous paper.
 The divisions are : flower (17), fruit (58), seed (37), herb (35), others (25), composed of cryptogamia and exudes or extracts of plants, animal (37) and mineral (23).
 Form was as follows : flowers, fruits, seeds and half of animal and others are generally undivided, while herbs are (C) as in the previous paper, some of animal and mineral origin are powder, and the remaining are indefinite.
 80% of the drugs at Kuching are common to Singapore. The different drugs are : in Singapore various unidentified drugs from stem or trunk and root, and herbs, various flower drugs, and at Singapore there is more processed aconite root and the fruit or peel of various kinds of oranges. 85% and 74% of the drugs common to both Kuching and Singapore are described in "Yào-Cai-Xué" and "Gardens' Bulletin, Vol. 6" respectively.
 It seems that the drugs not described in "Yào-Cai-Xué" are folk medicines from South China, drugs which came from India in ancient times, and/or drugs easily collected in southeast Asia. And the drugs not described in "Gardens' Bulletin, Vol. 6" are various kinds of official Chinese crude drugs, and/or those produced in northern China.

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