This essay is about the state of rice agriculture in the Red River Delta in the tenth century, and is the second part of the historical study of the reclamation of that delta from the first century to the nineteenth century, which aims at understanding the characteristics of Vietnamese socioeconomical history in comparison with other Southeast Asian deltas.
  In Part 1,the identification of Đường Lâm, the home base of Ngô Quyẽn, the first founder of a Vietnam independent of China, and Tiên Du and Vũ Ninh, the domains of the Sứ Quân (Twelve Lords), with present place names, it is shown that the economic power of those lords in the tenth century was based on rice cultivation on terrace and foothill areas, which can be traced back to the first reclamation period of the delta, conjectured to be in the Đông Sơn age.
  In Part 2, by analysis of the situation of Cở Pháp, the home village of Lý Công Uẩn, the first emperor of Lý Dynasty, Xiêu Loại, Phong Châu, and Nguyễn Gia, domains of the Sứ Quân, Mạt Liễn, and Phù Đái, fiefs of the sons of Lê Hoàn, the first emperor of the Early Lê Dynasty, I conclude that their influence was founded on the natural levees along big rivers such as the Red River, Canal des Rapides and Canal des Bambous, which would make them almost the same in character as the lands and power base of native powers, that is dating from the first reclamation period.
  In Part 3, however, Hong Châu, the home village of the Khúc family, the first native governors of Giao Châu (North Vietnam) when independent of China, Đỗ Đõng Giang, a domain of the Sứ Quân, and Đại Dê, home village of Đỗ Thích, an assassin of Đinh Bộ Lĩnh, one finds that a new reclamation type appeared on the small natural levees located in the western flood area (casier de Hadong) and the upper delta with the adoption of fifth-month rice cultivation in these lower-lying fields.
  In Part 4, in other cases such as Chương Dương, a fief of Dương Tham Khả, a usurper of the throne from the Ngô family, and Đằng Châu, a domain of the Sứ Quân, a tendency to penetrate some sandbank areas to plant mulberry or for use as small navigation stations on the Red River is shown.
  In Part 5, I point out that in places at the edge of the Red River Delta, such as Hoa Lu, the capital of the Đinh and Lê dynasties, Bõ Hải Khẩu, a domain of the Sứ Quân, Trà Hương, a base of Phạm Linh Công, a patron of a son of Ngo Quyen, and Hoi Ho, a domain of the Sứ Quân, a new type of political power had risen during the tenth century. These areas were not suitable for rice cultivation without dikes. So it is very difficult to explain the existence of powers in these areas by agricultural factors alone. One can suppose that more important to these lords would be control of navigation on the Red River, Sông Đáy River and the Thái Bình-Canal des Rapides river system.
  In conclusion, in the tenth century, the reclamation of the Red River Delta was an extension of a traditional agronomic method introduced in the Đông Sơn age, especially in the Trung Du area (the middle part of the Red River Valley), and some commercial factors were introduced onto this base. However, this conclusion suggests that reclamation methods would be limited by the geographical situation. So, a new engineering method had to be introduced to reclaim such unfavorable areas as backswamps and tidal creeks. This happened from the tenth century with the power of new dynasties to mobilize manpower and the introduction of the dike construction method newly developed in the Yangtze River Delta during the Sung Dynasty. This can be regarded as the first application of engineering methods to reconstruct the delta geography for rice cultivation. This topic will be discussed in the third report of this series.

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 There were three groups of people living in the Chao Phraya delta prior to the Bowring treaty; They were sedentary rice growers who broadcast rice on the Old Delta, shifting rice growers who transplanted along the coast, and the people of Bangkok and adjoining towns. The first group were the traditional rice growers of Siam who can be traced back to the Ayutthaya period, the second group were far smaller in number and partly engaged in fishing and wood cutting as well. The third group were more or less traders.
  Transverse canals dug in the 1860's from Bangkok, to link it with the sugar cane areas on the east and west foothills acted as a trigger which moved the coastal nomadic transplanters farther inland.
  The Rangsit project started in early 1890's was the first large-scale delta reclamation. This attracted and absorbed people from all over the deltaic region. Both broadcasters from the Old Delta and transplanters from the coast came, and the broadcast method spread widely due to the area's difficult and unstable water conditions.
  One of the characteristics of delta development after the turn of the century was the shift in emphasis from the simple expansion of rice acerage to the improvement of water conditions in the rice fields. Canals dug earlier for transportation were transformed into irrigation and drainage canals. Delta development since World War II has seen the further improvement of rice land, at an accelerated pace. The dissemination of engine pumps and non-photosensitive varieties of rice are changing the previously-established broadcast fields into a new type of transplanted rice land.

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 The lowland of Sarawak is one of the least developed and the most sparsely populated areas in Southeast Asia. First, its wet rice cultivation is described. The traditional cultivation method is characterized by (a) use of dibbling stick, (b) zero-tillage, and (c) fallowing. The rationale of the method and changes in recent years are discussed in relation to the peculiar physical conditions and population pressure in the area. Second, the cultivators of lowland rice are compared with those of hill rice. The seemingly clear-cut geographical differentiation of the two groups is critically examined in the light of the historical pattern of migration of various ethnic groups. Third, the productivity of wet and hill rice is compared. Boserup's theory on the relationship between landuse intensity and population pressure is tested in this context. Fourth, the possibilities of development of the lowland of Sarawak with such cash crops as rubber, coconuts and sago palm are discussed. Fifth, the most basic problem of the area, that is, the deep peat, is further discussed in some depth. Finally, a perspective of the further development of the lowland of Sarawak is presented.

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 The late 1910s and the early 1920s saw the unprecedented rise of rakjat radicalism in Java. At this time, the Javanese intellectuals confronted the problems of what rakjat radicalism essentially meant and how they should face up to and live in the time of Kerakjatan (populism). Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo, a leading proponent of Indies nationalism, and Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo, a leader of Javanese nationalism, addressed these questions and formulated diametrically opposed ideas of Kerakjatan . Soetatmo saw chaos in the rise of rakjat radicalism and proposed the reconstruction (wederopbouw ) of the Javanese Culture as the only way out of the time of chaos or of madness. The Javanese Culture in effect meant the classic ruling ideology of Javanese kingdoms and the reconstruction meant that of the kaula-gusti (ruler and subjects) relations. Posing as a pandita , he argued that to introduce order into the chaos of Kerakjatan was only possible when the rakjat became the kaula of the pandita-ratu . In contrast, Tjipto saw the end of the time of madness and the dawn of the time of light in the rise of rakjat radicalism. The only thing he need do to revive the will-power of the Javanese was to show the rakjat how a Javanese could live his satria's life in the time of madness, while inheriting the will of Pangeran Dipanegara, because the evolution and liberation of Java would be possible only when the rakjat reincarnated the spirit of the genuine satria through uncompromising struggle against the stifling oppression of the Dutch-prijaji regime.

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 A predictable decline in rice yields is realized when dry rice fields are farmed after shorter than optimum fallow periods in specified contexts. Where fields are only sporadically and not consistently farmed in fallow periods that are less than optimum, no predictable decline in yields will occur.

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