During the first decade of the twentieth century about fifteen Japanese sericultural experts were employed by the Thai government to improve sericultural techniques in the northeastern region of Thailand. Manjiro Inagaki, the first Japanese resident ambassador to Thailand, was instrumental in getting the Thai government to hire these Japanese. He was concerned about the encroachment of European powers and strongly advised the government to send Japanese sericultural experts to the northeastern region to deter French expansionism.
  For about ten years under the guidance of Prince Phenphatthanaphong the Japanese sericultural experts did much to diffuse agricultural knowledge, spread new sericultural techniques, promote the establishment of an agricultural school, and train Thai experts. W. A. Graham, the adviser to the Thai Ministry of Agriculture, complained that the efforts of this group only had the effect of decreasing silk cultivation wherever they had been applied, and the government, finding itself unable to lead or force its people to make improvements, abandoned the whole project and left the silk growers on their own. Graham scathingly criticized the Japanese for not producing any permanent results and for using methods which were both complicated and wasteful.
 The Japanese, however, received the understanding and cooperation of Prince Phenphatthanaphong, and together they fostered capable agricultural officials and laid the foundation for Kasetsart University in Bangkok.

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 This study is about the involvement of an ordinary individual in the Philippines during the Meiji period. Jose Moritaro Tagawa, 1864-1920,was a well-known businessman in Manila during the first half of the American period. This paper discusses the details of his life and activities and also describes the early Japanese commercial sector in Manila.
  Tagawa's involvement was purely accidental, as can be seen from his family background and lack of education. It was the flexible nature of his character which enabled him to adapt to Philippine culture. He was the first Japanese to settle in Manila on a long-term basis around 1891. Being a trader and Japanese married to a Filipina, he lived in a multicultural setting and was able to link Filipinos, Westerners, and Japanese. He pioneered in the development of Japanese commerce in Manila but after World War I he retreated from the forefront of business and the Japanese community. This action seems to be largely due to a deep sentimental attachment to Japan.

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 The inhabitants of Formosa, which became a Japanese colony as a result of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), were allowed to become Japanese nationals on 8 May 1897. But, for some ten years the Government-General of Formosa was too occupied with pacification of this new territory to take an accurate census. This enabled non-Formosan Chinese in Fukien to obtain illegally Japanese nationality, which gave them exterritorial rights and a means to elude the likin . Around 1910, the majority of those registered as Formosan by the Japanese consulates at Amoy and Fuchou was actually non-Formosan Chinese. At the end of 1911 the consulates in Fukien, the Government-General, and the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided that the consulates at Amoy, Fuchou, and Swatow should register those Formosans who wanted Japanese nationality and exclude the undesirable elements even if they had been registered in Formosa as Formosans of Japanese nationality.
  When the southern expansion policy of the Government-General was stimulated and activated by World War I, Formosan fortune seekers, criminals, and anti-Japanese rebels crossed over to Fukien without passports and entered the underworld there. Some of them even became leaders of the underworld and were called Formosan bandits. The Japanese consulates in Fukien could not control them and asked for aid from the Government-General. Police officers of the consulates in Amoy, Fuchou, Swatow, and Canton were increased at the expense of the Government-General. In 1916 conferences were held between the Government-General and the consulates at Amoy and Fuchou to discuss the problems of South China as well as the problems of the Formosans there. Through these conferences the Government-General revealed its southern expansion plan, including such programs as the education of the Formosans to convert them into loyal Japanese subjects and propaganda and intelligence activities through hospitals and the press. The 1916 conferences were significant in that they foreshadowed the next phase of the southern expansion program of the Government-General of Formosa.

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 Following the end of the First World War, the Japanese economy remained stagnant with a decline in foreign trade and the depression continued. To cope with this economic crisis, the Kiyoura Cabinet in 1924 held the Imperial Economic Conference (Teikoku Keizai Kaigi), which was attended by experts from both government and private sectors. Little resulted from this conference, however, since the Cabinet survived only for three months. In 1926 the South Sea Trade Conference (Nanyo Boeki Kaigi) was convened under the auspices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to promote international trade with the South Seas. In 1934 the Government-General of Taiwan established the Research Committee for Tropical Industries (Nettaisangyo Chosakai) in Taihoku (Taipei) to study such problems as trade between Taiwan and South China as well as the South Seas and the financing of tropical industries. It also decided to establish the Taiwan Colonizing Company (Taiwan Takushoku Kabushiki Gaisha). The Foreign Relations Section (Gaijika) of the Government-General of Taiwan was active in arranging the establishment of the above-mentioned Company which was controlled by Japanese Government. With the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident in 1931 and the Sino-Japanese War in 1937,this Foreign Relations Section grew in importance and it was expanded into the Department of Foreign Relations (Gaijibu) to implement the foreign policy of the government of Japan. This Department played a central role in coordinating such various activities as investment, survey and research, education, cultural exchange, and medical service.

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 This article intends to clarify the educational aspect of Japan's relations with Southeast Asia, which was referred to as "Nanyo." Long-term Japanese residents of "Nanyo" who had children of school age were determined to send their children to Japanese School. However, because such a school was impossible to set up and maintain by themselves, they had to seek the cooperation of many other Japanese. They particularly needed the financial help of those who had been sent there for several years from their trading companies or banks. These short-term residents derived some benefits from the Japanese school, but its existence was not essential for them. If they had children of school age, they could leave them behind in Japan. In other words, the expectations of the long-term residents regarding the Japanese school were different from those who were there only temporarily.
  The dormitories of the Japanese school were different from those who were there only temporarily. The dormitories of the Japanese school played an important part in stabilizing the lives of the long-term residents because there were few Japanese schools in "Nanyo."
  One of the functions of the Japanese school was to remove the culture of "Nanyo" which the children of long-term residents had learned and instill in them firmly the Japanese culture. This did, however, provoke some cultural conflict.

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 Hiroichiro Ishihara, riding on the wave of Taisho Nanshinron , went to British Malay to set up a rubber plantation. After a series of failures, including that of this venture, he discovered two large iron-ore deposits in Malay and established himself in the mining business between 1919 and 1924. From these mines and other smaller ones in Southeast Asia, Ishihara supplied Japan with 18 million tons of iron ore between 1921 and 1940,approximately 45% of the total consumption of iron ore in Japan.
  However, he did not receive much social recognition from his contemporaries, and his achievements have been regarded rather lightly by historians. In order to explain this treatment, this paper puts Ishihara's achievements in historical perspective.
  The major reasons appear to be : (1) there was a surplus of ore at the time of Ishihara's discoveries and (2) the military, which was the real driving force behind the expansion of the iron and steel industry before World War II, considered the supply from Malay and the Philippines more vulnerable and, hence, less valuable than that from Korea or Northeast China.

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 When the War broke out, Japanese military forces occupied many areas in Southeast Asia, and both the Army and Navy shared their control. Areas administered by the Navy were referred to as District B and those by the Army, District A.
  This paper examines the general industrial policy and enterprises of District B. Areas held by the Navy in District B were Dutch Borneo, Celebes, Molucca Islands, the Lesser Sunda Islands, New Guinea, Bismark Islands, and Guam. These enterprises which were active throughout the Navy-administered areas provide information about the Naval Military Administration.

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 The annual production of tin in Southeast Asia has not increased significantly in the last 20 years in spite of new exploratory. The main reason are a relative increase in low-grade tin ore and a lack of large-scale mining operation.
  Tin deposits in Southeast Asia are, however, also accompanied with various kinds of useful minerals, such as ilmenite, zircon, monazite and xenotime, which have not been fully exploited. Efforts should be made to recover these minerals besides discovering new tin deposits, because extraction of these accessory minerals will, at the same time, result in an increase in the production of tin.
  In this paper the occurrence, aggregates and chemical composition of these minerals are discussed.

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