This paper aims to give a brief overview of Dutch colonialism by focusing on the Regeringsreglement, regarded as the basic law of the East Indies. Close attention is paid to article 109 of the Regeringsreglement. This article provided the basis for racial criteria, dividing the inhabitants of the East Indies into “European” and “Inlander,” a division which had great influence in determining the features of colonial government in its legal, administrative, and social aspects.
 The Regeringsreglement became law in 1885 as a result of constitutional revision in the Netherlands in 1848. The revision, guided by J. R. Thorbecke, a prominent liberal who later led three cabinets, established a governing principle based on the rule of law. This principle, constitutionalism, introduced certain political rights such as freedom of press and association and direct voting. This was a fundamental change in policy that affected the guiding principles of government not only in the motherland, but also in the East Indies. The rule of law defines the limits of government power over inhabitants by demarcating a line between the public and private spheres. A constitutional colonial government would not be able to use its power arbitrary, as it had in the past.
 However, all inhabitants could not equally exercise rights in the East Indies. Those categorized as Inlander had to obey adat law. European, i. e. Dutch, law was only applied to those regarded as European. Article 109 of the Regeringsreglement denoted who belonged to the category European and who did not, thus creating the legal concepts “European” and “Inlander” which became the basis of the dual legal structure of the East Indies. In other words, colonial society came to be organized in terms of the Dutch legal order.
 There was another reason to introduce article 109. Debates at the time revealed the responsible parliamentary committee’s serious objections to the religion-based equalization of Inlander and European Christians. It was mainly for political reasons that religious criteria were abandoned. As Christian Inlanders would not be subject to the burdens of the culture system if granted equal status with Europeans, the committee demanded the Indies government drop the religious criteria. This in turn meant a fundamental transformation in how people were perceived, religious criterion being replaced by national or racial criterion.
 As these legal categories penetrated colonial society, they provided a framework on which not only the Dutch but all the inhabitants of the colony relied. The term “Inlander” came to be seen as a passive word by the indigenous people of the East Indies, who began to demand that the Dutch replace it with “Indonesian,” a term the colonial government would not allow to be used officially until the end of the Japanese occupation.

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This paper discusses the contents and meaning of local language education in Lampung Province, Indonesia, which started during Soeharto’s regime. Lampung is now a multiethnic society as the result of the massive domestic immigration called transmigrasi. Every student from elementary school to high school, however, regardless of ethnicity and mother tongue, is now obliged to study the Lampung language for the purpose of its preservation. Within the scheme of local language education (pendidikan bahasa daerah), the local language is treated as a cultural inheritance of the local people as well the Indonesian nation. Thus, it should be preserved by the inhabitants of each region, however diversified its ethnic composition. While the Lampung people also utilize such realigned cultural elements when introducing themselves to others, they continue trying to narrow the gap between the real diversity and the imagined one.
 In analyzing this case, we should examine the idea of “region (daerah)” and “local language (bahasa daerah).” In this context, “daerah” is a notion denoting the territory of a province being imagined as a homogeneous cultural entity. “Bahasa daerah” is a language imagined inherently in it, although in fact Lampung people themselves are composed of many ethnic groups and languages. Imagining a region in this way is not inherent, but led by the language and cultural policy enforced by the central government. People accept it as a new mark for placing themselves in Indonesian society; this kind of intercourse is a cultural phenomenon characteristic of New Order Indonesia.

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This study aims to evaluate the hunting and gathering of wild animals and plants in households’ life structure using the time allocation approach. The analysis is based on the definition of “Activity Category,” from the point of view of seasonal change and the life cycle of households.
 Due to the tropical monsoon climate and the main occupation of single cropping of rice, the villagers’ time allocation is much influenced by climate and the farming calendar. These factors likewise influence the time allocated for hunting and gathering. Natural plant gathering is important in the farmers’ slack and rainy season. Natural animal hunting is important in the slack season, but not as affected by the rainy or dry season. Time allocation is also related to the life cycle of the household, with many differences observed between nuclear families and three generation families. But the time allocated to hunting and gathering does not show much difference among households. Every household allocates a certain amount of time to hunting and gathering, regardless of socialeconomic strata. In the context of time allocation alone, the hunting and gathering of wild animals and plants is a basic daily activity of every household.

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In Southeast Asian subtropical areas, fallow periods of shifting cultivation have shortened, and fallow vegetation has changed from forest to herbaceous meadow. It is widely believed that traditional farming systems have collapsed from the pressure of rising population, but the author considers this doubtful. The author investigated the ecological factors that enabled the newly expanding style of shifting cultivation in Xishuangbanna, Southwest China, to offer a counterargument to the hypothesis that untraditional styles of shifting cultivation are all unsustainable. Nine months after Eupatorium odoratum L., a perennial herb that invaded from South America, was removed from fallow fields, the most harmful perennial grass, Imperata cylindrica (L.) P. Beauv., was dominant. When water buffaloes were excluded from fallow fields for four years, Imperata cylindrica also became dominant. It was concluded that the newly expanding style of shifting cultivation is a rational adaptation to the invasion of the herbaceous perennial plant Eupatorium odoratum. Perennial grasses, especially Imperata cylindrica, the control of which is the most important factor determining fallow duration, are quickly excluded by the combination of Eupatorium odoratum and buffalo grazing. This explains why fallow periods could be shortened. In the farming system observed today, the selective herbicide 2-4-D greatly helps to reduce weeding labors. In addition to ecological factors, easier access to the market has also caused the successive changes in farming systems.

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As an archipelagic country with 17,508 islands and more than 81,000 km of coastline, Indonesia is among the globe’s richest areas in biodiversity as well as marine assets. In each island of Indonesia, there is strong competition to use coastal resources. They are used for fishing, recreation, waste disposal, power generation, water supply, coal, building material and mineral sands extraction, forestry, farming, residential and industrial purposes. All these uses are in high demand and have become a source of conflicting interests. They need to be managed properly under an Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) system. These uses are under the control of Government authorities (DKN [Dewan Kelautan Nasional], The National Oceans Council, that later become The National Maritime Council) and various different groups. Increasing pressures are being felt in the development and rationalisation of the various uses.

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