The plan for decentralization of authority of education has been steadily proceeding by deregulating and transferring of financial resources to regional administrations, while at the same time schools are becoming independent and autonomous. That is to say, decentralization of authority of education assumes that schools could be the subject in the responsibility for education. In the view of the social system theory, this thesis theoretically examines the construction and mechanism of Independence and Autonomy that schools are expected to achieve, and what types of schools could become autonomous.According to Niklas Luhmann, one of the main critics of the social system theory, the social system is an autopoietic system, which is completely self-referent and self-productive. Many actions in the system are explained as independent and autonomous. The autopoietic system has an open but closed paradoxical structure; this is due to the self-referent recurring communication within the system and the function of checking differences constantly from without. This means that the autopoietic system is restrained in the paradox of the autonomy where it has to be dependent yet independent at the same time. Schools are part of the social systems, therefore they originally have had the autonomy. However, schools have little experience in recognizing the differences between the external environment and themselves independently and autonomously, and in dealing with the differences as visible paradox evolutionally, because they have had the structure strongly framed by the nation since The Meiji Restoration. In this regard, it is much worthy of notice that school evaluation is placed at the center of the current educational reform debate. School evaluation allows schools to recognize the differences between the system and the external environment although it is half compulsory. By doing so, schools get the opportunity to exercise Autonomy. However, this also illustrates the autopoietic paradox. In the relationships in the education (relationships such as teachers and students, teachers and parents, schools and communities, and so on) each unit cannot control both the other and itself at will, because each unit of the relationships is autonomous. The more schools endeavor to make themselves the autonomous system, the more all the systems related to schools will be restrained by the autopoietic paradox. The nation is not an expeotion. The paradox that all organizations involved in schooling, including the nation, are restrained by the autopoietic paradox is the ultimate problem of Autonomy that schools face.

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In this thesis, I tried to clarify the relationship between the resource management of the public sector and the state of "Governance" by following the outline of the education policy after the publication of the report of the National Council on Educational Reform. The education sector has been burden with the fixed cost such as capital investment or personnel expenses. Therefore, under the financial crisis, it becomes one of the most important policy problems for the public sector how to do with the management of education resources. The criterion of the allocation policy of the education resources can be generalized as follows, that is to say, i) saving the consume of the resources which become extinct by making use of the outside resources (the derivation of the resources), ii) giving priority to use immortal resources. These policy lines are observed in constructing the schoolhouse by PFI (Private Finance Initiative) scheme or introducing the outsourcing of school management. Recently it is highly noticed as a useful policy means to introduce the immortal resources into the school management in order to allocate the education resources. But we cannot find out the sphere of the business activities of private companies in PFI scheme, and the extent of the outsourcing to private sector. In other words there is no evidence to show the rational extent of derivation of the outside resources. Therefore, I implemented the questionnaires to private companies and tried to find out the rational extent of deviation of resources. The following procedure is adopted; first of all the school management was classified into ten fields (school affairs, instruction of subjects, guidance of course, counseling, teacher training, general affairs and accounting, management of facilities and expendable supplies, management of the school library, school events and ceremony, school lunch and transportation), then the private companies were questioned how far can they entry into them and undertake a job on behalf of public sector. Through out a cluster analysis, which was implemented based on the data, the school management sector was classified into two parts. They are the "core part" and the "non core part". The former fits instruction or guidance, and the latter has the function to support the former around it. It is very hard to derivate the resources from the outside into the former because of the conflict with professionalism. The other side newly discovered that that the derivation of the outside resources into the latter is comparatively practical. There are some points concerning the derivation of resources; that is i) how to correspond to the decline in disciplinary school management, ii) how to conquer the limitations of the resource derivation power.

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In this paper I clarify the points in specifying the distributor of educational opportunity in the era of post-Fordism whose policy expresses itself in the name of deregulation I argue the validity of the frameworks of state/market and equality/freedom to make clear of the points. The debate between I.Kurosaki and H.Fujita concerning the facilitator of school improvement suggested the necessity to ask further the underlying question: which agent should distribute education, state or market? To search for feasible answers I examine several discussions of different kinds of trends in the following sections. The discussion of P.Bourdieu has influenced Japanese educationalists by its radical criticism of marketism against which he defended collectivism of social planning that includes education. His discussion and the discussions by many Japanese educationalists in the terms of criticism against neoliberalism. I argue, are not necessarily free from a fault to draw a veil over the inherent conflict among educational needs. The same difficulty of collectivism was also found in the discussion of G.Whitty who attacked the quasi-market mechanism in distributing education and stressed the need of social justice instead. On the other side J.Tooley, a leading educationalist of libertarian trend, assumed that education could be distributed equitably and effectively when it would be reclaimed from state control. He found it a paradox to equalise schooling while leaving family influence as it was unequal. H.Brighouse whom Tooley considered as an egalitarian called justification of the institute of the family into question; he asked adults rather than parents to meet their obligations to be the provider of educational opportunity not only for their children but for all children in the society. D.H.Hargreaves emphasized the significance of children choosing their own schools for the development of their autonomy in the pluralist society. Community, he argued, should encourage children to choose their own way of life even if their choice may differ from the one prevailingin the community. M.Walzer, known as a communitarian to us, asserted that human society is a distributive community though there exists the plurality of distributive justice according to the social goods to be distributed. Education, among other goods, should be distributed according to the local justice inherent to education but not be allocated through the market mechanism so that the society could retain its own identity asa community. Finally I discussed the triad of the agents relevant to the social reformation: state, market and community. It demands to consider the inter-regulation among state, market and community so that the distribution of education might not depend exclusively on the trade between suppliers and consumers. It also demands to respond to a moral question about deciding the priority among those who should be educated. It is unavoidable to tackle the issue of specifying the distributor if we want to bear a responsibility to give answer to the moral question of education; we can no longer answer to it by echoing the old-fashioned egalitarian discourse: Education for All.

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This paper aims to examine the educational reform of Inuyama City from the aspect of "education system in Aichi Pref."as the model of 1955 Regime in education field, and to discuss the possibility and the problem of it. One feature in today's educational reform is that the decentralization has become the technique of the educational reform at the same time as promoting decentralization reform. Therefore, a lot of cases with educational reform by local government have come to be reported in various places since the approval of the decentralization batch law (1999). By the way, In these educational reforms by local governments, we find the tendency that these are initiated by not the board of education which should bear local educational administration in legislation but by the head department. But, the educational reform of Inuyama City has the feature that the board of education is initiating it. I think that such a feature of the educational reform of Inuyama City is strongly related to "education system of Aichi pref."as the control-oriented education system formed under 1955 Regime. "Education system of Aichi. pref." is composed of three basic elements. The first is the high school entrance system that the public high schools hold a dominant position, and the present system is called the compound selection system. The second is the mechanism of concentration of power on educational administration, and municipal boards of education are controlled through the education branch offices of Aichi Pref. board of education and the local conference for public affairs of education. The third is the peculiar teacher integration system to Aichi Pref., and when the teacher is promoted to the principal or the head teacher. Aichi Pref. board of education permits the factions (Academic clique) to intervene to the personnel affairs, and is making the teacher union take part in this. Inuyama City board of education has criticized such "education system of Aichi. pref". I think that the educational reform of Inuyama City aims at the establishment of the education autonomy by pressing the transformation of the educational administration order. In that case, It is remarkable that the Inuyama City board of education is drawing a line with neoliberal educational reform policy promoted at a nationwide level. We find here originality of the educational reform of Inuyama City and a peculiar difficulty of it. I think that promoting the resident participation in the education becomes an important theme so that Inuyama City board may continue reforming.

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Decentralization reform has not been accomplished sufficiently enough, but some local governments are beginning to implement active educational administration. Now we can see two issues coming to the front - the relation between governor's department and board of education, and the relation between prefectural board of education and municipal board of education -. Concerning the first issue, namely "popular control", there is a friction of opinions. The purpose of this paper is to study what educational policies have been formed and implemented under what system and process, especially how two relations mentioned above have been organized and structurally changed. The object of this paper is Gifu prefecture that has had a governor who is a member of reformative governors and that has reformed the local educational system and started some new and original local measures which have not been enforced by national government. According to the analysis of this paper, Gifu prefecture are changing the administrative direction from control over municipalities to support of them, holding up "children-centered policy" and "participatory administration". But in the structure of educational administration. a new system has been made on which the govemor is able to influence the board of education more strongly. For example, deliberative organizations composed of the governor, the chairperson of prefectural assembly and the chief of board of education, and the similar organizations by which mayors can influence municipal boards of education have been established. This system is called "democratic control" of educational administration in Gifu prefecture. It is different from "popular control" that is one of the fundamental principles of educational administration in post-war Japan. It means the control over board of education by a governor. In Gifu prefecture, top-down type education reform has been led by the governor, pupils and students have been regarded as customers and autonomy of schools and municipal boards of education have not been given serious consideration enough. "Democratic control" has a contradiction of stripping of more contents from a board of education conversely. The number of education reforms which are led by govemors and mayors are increasing. To study on the contradiction and future of "popular control" in contemporary educational administration is the theoretical and practical challenge of educational administration.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the idea of a child's gender among the middle class has changed by analyzing "Eisaishinshi", a contribution magazine for children during the Meiji Era whose publication started before the practice of gender specification. This magazine was particularly chosen due to the fact that in modern Japan, the magazine used as supplementary materials in school education have also carried out sex specification at the time when the concept of gender studies in middle school education was put into practice in 1879. The results of the analysis are as follows. From 1877 to 1882, when "Eisaishinshi" was first published, children's compositions praised the merits of studying to attain careers and abilities. Their works also represented both the boy and the girl as "Shonen (the Youth)" based on the idea that they should have the same opportunity, which perfectly reflected the meritocracy society and civilization. However, since 1882, attention has been paid to the so-called "difference in intellectual power" between men and women. This led to the separation of "Shojo (the girl)" from "Shonen (the youth)", considering that the former has different opportunity from the latter, and to the emergence of different entities "Shonen (the boy)" and "Shojo (the girl)". This transition derived from the system of the study according to sex, by which the so-called" difference between men's intellectual power and that of women" has been realized. Two things have become visible from such a transition. Firstly, the transition has demonstrated two sides of the meritocracy by learning. The ideology, on the one hand, has supported a new image for women during the 1870s and the 1880s who pursued careers through studies. On the other hand, however, it has inevitably revealed the difference in intellectual power between men and women and justified gender discrimination as a by product of this difference. Consequently, since the practice of the study according to sex, the latter idea has been strongly influenced. Secondly, it has become clear that meritocracy has created two separate entities "Shonen (the boy)"and "Shojo (the girl)'. That is, females whose education and subsequent career have been severed in relation since study according to sex, have lost continuity between their way of life as "the mother", and that as "the girl". Unlike the boyhood which has been positioned as a preparatory period for the adulthood, the girlhood has been regarded as a specific time which will be completed in itself. In conclusion, the analysis has shown that the construction of a child's gender in modernJapan has been strongly connected with the meritocracy by learning that appeared at the time.

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