The aim of this study is to make clear the structure and chnges therein of the family, kinship organization (dozoku,shinrui) and social network in a Japanese village undergoing rapid social change caused dy urbanization and industrialization. Shiratsuchi was chosen as representative of long established villages in the Yamato plain.
　The authors tried to construct the following frame of reference to analyse changes in kinship organization including not only dozoku and shinrui, but also family. In our view, the kinship structure is a consepuence of two components -- kinship norms and the situation(external factor), both of which affect kinship behavior. A structual change in kinship is understood to be a change in each coponent and a change in the relationships between them as a consequence of the intial change in each component. Changes in the norms which prescribe kinship behavior relate to the transition from the traditonal to the modern norm. It is assumed that this transition occurs on a continuum between the two poles. The traditional norm reflects the dominance of ie, dozoku,and shinrui (prescriptive kindred); whereas the modern norm is marked by the institutional dominance of the conjugal family and optioal kindred. Situational changes which alter kinship behavior is largely a function of changes in the external societal environment, especially economic and industrial conditions.

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　This paper considers the situation of the family in contemporary Japanese society through an analysis of change in the unilieal continuity which characterized ie, the traditional form of family structure in Japan.
　The change in unilineal continuity of family tradition is measured in terms of the following three characteritics; (1) consciousness of the unilineal continuity of family tradition, (2) consciousness of the successor to family tradition (atotsugi), and (3) the role of the successor to family tradition as related to the division of labour and the decisionmaking process within the family.
　The following results were obtained. First consciousness of unilineal continuity remains strong on the whole, and especially from the view point of ancester worship, a symbolic cornerstone of family tradition. However from other perspectives, the consciousness of unilineal continuity has been changing subtly toward the modern pole. Secondly, with regard to the consciousness of the successors to family tradition, there are remarkable differences between the elder and younger generations. In the parents' generation the status of successor to family tradition is considered to be combined with the unilineal continuity of family tradition,but it is inclined to be conceived of in the conext of filiation by the childrens' generation. There are many more chances for the elder brother than the younger brother to become the successor to family tradition. In this, traditional characteristics continue to be shown. Thirdly as for the diviaion of lavour and the power to make decisions in the .family, it was found that the role behavior of the successor to family tradition is not much different from the traditional pattern. As for the division of labor in the domestic domain , the successor to family tradition does very few household chores and the division of labour by sex is clearly dominant. As for the power -to make family decisions, the asssignment of power by generation between the head of the household and the successor to family tradition is dominant.

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　This paper examines changes in kinship organization, where dozoku and shinrui (kindred) relate symbolically, in relation to changes in ie.
　In Shiratsuchi kinship relation are more important than those between honke (main family) and bunke (blanch family). A honke and its bunke do not form a corporate group, and the honke-bunke relationship does not function economically and politically. Rat her it performs partially religious and mutual help functions even when the family genealogical relationship is acknowledged. The honke-bunke relationship is contained in the kindred and is local in character.
　Kindred is divided into murauchiwa (local kindred) and non-murauchiwa. The former is strongly characterized by prescriptive kindred, and the latter by personal kindred in which optional and emotional norms ara raflected. The murauchiwa kindred partially retains functions on ceremonial occasions only, but the non-murauchiwa kindred provides for more critical day to day economic and social functions.

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　The main aim of this paper is to examine the relations between family and kindred(sinrui), and changes therein, especially the situational factors in family life and the extention of kindred.
　The results of the analysis based on the research in Shirat suchi are follows; (1) The composition of kindred is changing from the traditional norm toward a modern personal kindred. This statement is based on the fact that the kindred acknowledged by the family head extends more widely on his own side, regardless of his sex, and also from the fact that the weaker the family heads' consciousness of ie, the wider the kindred is extended on his own side. (2) It is clear that the ie norm subtly influences the composition of kindred because of a definite extention to own parents' side, even when the aged family head and the differences in the extention of kindred to his own parents' and his spouse parents' side depended on his relationship to the former family head. (3) It is to be expected in these circumstances that kindred will be influenced by situational factors in family life. In fact, it is obvious that age of family head, his relationship to the former family head and the family life-cycle are connected with the extention of kindred.

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　To understand the nature of daily social relationships in Shiratsuchi, the auther examined the social networks which the residents maintain with their hoke-bunke, kindred (sinrui), friends and neighbors, in terms of both formal and informal associations. Kin networks are considered to be associations put together with honke-bunke kindred. Non-kin networks are associations with friends as well as neighbours. The primary focus was on kin networks. The strength of formal associations was measured by attendance at and participation in regular meetings and other events based on locality. The strength of informal associations was measured by the responses to 25 questions which cover almost all the relationships found in every day life.
　The findings were as follows. (1) The households which have strong friendly relations with their kin networks were also closely associated with non-kin, and they comprised 43% of all households. (2) An unsuccessful attempt was made to determine by what characteristics friendly relationships with kin are maintained. It was apparent only that such factors as kin resources and consciousness of kin were important. (3) Kin especially performed such functions as the ceremonies for coming of age, marriage, funerals and ancestor worship and a variety of talk. Needless to say these functions are sometimes substituted for by non-kin. (4) However in extaordinary crisis situations, most households fall back on and fully understand the importance of kin-roles, this conception of kin role is primary.

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　A good deal of observtional data on socialization in various societies is now available, but these has been little cross-cultural analysis, particularly of child-rearing manuals. In this paper we try to analyze such books from Japan and the U.S.A. and point out the differences between them.
　Child-rearing manuals were chosen as the data source because, since most families are now nuclear, there is less chance for practical skills and knowledges on child rearing to be handed down from grandmothers to mothers. Of the other sources of infomation mothers are most likely to rely on child-rearing manuals, which seem to fill the communication gap between generations. We chose Baby and Child Care by Benjamin Spock and Ikuji-no-hyakka (Encyclopedia on Child Rearing) by Michio Matsuda, which are supposed to be the most widely read in each society. A Japanese translation of Dr.Spock is also available in Japan.
　The points of comparison are as follows: (1) the goal of child rearing and its social background, (2) child rearing practices, (3) the author's conception of children, values, and world views. The practices discussed in the books are the means of achieving the goal which is to be regulated by the ideas of the　author.
　Though Japanese culture has been westernized since Meiji Era (especially Americanized after the defeat in World War II), the basic features of child rearing remain in contrast to those in U.S.A. Spock advises parents to control their children rigidly according to rules akd not to allow them to diverge from a normative course of development so that they will develop into independent persons. On the other hand, Matsuda believes that every child will arrive at adulthood sooner or later, regardless of disciplinary planning. Then he tells mothers that they need not seriously concern themselves about whether or not their children reach a given developmental level at a certain age.
　In a word, Spock emphasises a monopolized control of children and shows an individual-centered orientation. On the contrary, Matsuda stresses the acceptance of the "nature" of children and shows a group-centered orientation. In this case the term "natures" means what children are invested with when they come into existence. He expects children to grow up naturally without severe control by parents. The principles advocated by the two authors reflect their cultural backgrounds. For Matsuda, such basic concepts or values of the Japanese as "Hito-to-hito-tono-aida" (the midle ground between two persons) by Bin Kimura and/or "Kanjinshugi" (Contextualism) by Esyun Hamaguchi will correlate with his principle.　Finally I must mention that this comparative research has led us to discover that the concept of "socialization" itstlf is rooted in the Western climate of thought like the individualism upon which Spock's principles are based.

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　There are many treaties on Talcott Parsons' theories, but these are insufficient on two points, those on the consistency of parsons' theory above all. 1) They regard his starting point as “The structure of Social Action” (1937) 2) There is no study，separating his work on methodology，such as ‘analytical realism' from his substantive theory such as ‘voluntaristic action theory'.
　In this paper，I consider ‘The lace of Ultimate Values in Sociological Theory' (1934-35) as his starting point. After following up his inherent logical structure in relating his methodology to his substantive theory， I find a kinnd of ‘paradox' in his theory.

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