Was ist der Hauptfaktor der sozialer-wirtschaftlicher Entwicklungen? Für uns ist es das Problem der Probleme in der Sozialwissenschaft, dies Problem zu lösen. Max Weber hat bekanntlich auf Neuerung des Ethos unter Einfluß des Protestantismus als einen Hauptfaktor der Rationalisierung der europäischen Kulturwelt hingewiessen. Diese sogenannt "Protestantismus These" ist seither eines einflußreicher Rahmen der Analysen gewesen, die die sozial-wirtschaftlicher Entwicklungen zum Gegenstand machen, sei es die Entwicklung des Okzident, sei es die der Entwicklungsländer. Aber es ist anderseits in Frage gestellt gestellt geween, daß Diese "Protestantismus These" auf die sogenannt "Modernisierung von oben" der Entwicklungsländer anwendet wird.
　Num gehört bekanntlich auch die Herrschaftssoziologie neben die Religionssoziologie zu den zentralen und bis heute meistdiskutierten Bestandteilen der Webersehen Soziologie. Und es ist klar, daß ein bedeutendes Thema in seiner Herrschaftssoziologie "Herrschaft und Wirtschaft" ist. In seiner Herrschaftssoziologie erörtert Weber umständlich die Einfüsse, die die verschiedenen Herrschaftsstrukturen, z.B. "Patrimonialismus", "Feudalismus", "Hierokratie" usw., auf Entwicklung des modernen Kapitalismus ausgeübt haben.
　Dann sind bemerkbar diess Webers Ansicht in seiner Herrschaftssoziologie, wenn wir nach einem neuen Rahmen für Analyes der "Modernisierung von oben" statt der "Protestantismus These" suchen wollen. Denn Weber behandelt von durchaus anderem Gesichtspunkt den Problem der Entstehung des Kapitalismus als "Protestantismus These".
　So der vorliegende Aufsatz zielt darauf" herrschaftsstrukturelle Bedingungen, die wir von Webers Herrschaftssoziologie ablesen können, nicht nur für die Entstehung des monderneu Kapitalismus, sondern für den Wirtschaftswandel überhaupt, zu erklären. Dieser Versuch ist die notwendige Voraussetzung dafür, daß wir nach einem neuen Rahmen für Analyse der "Modernisierung von oben" suchen. Nach meiner Meinung ist ein Faktor,d.h. "Reich der Freiheit", sehr bedeutend, obwohl den Weber selbst nicht immer für wichting hielt. Der Aufsatz unternimmt eine Rekonstruktion, die zeigh, daß Webers Herrschaftssoziologie als "Soziologie der Freikeit" zu formulieren sein.

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　The history of studies of the Village Society shows us "kie" is a traditional orgnization of village for cooperation of money and requisites. And also, it concludes that such custom is remains of modernization or on the way to be dismantled for modernization.
　But at the village society where I have carried out my fieldwork, the cooperative custom is active especially for the garlic farming, which is important as goods belonged to the capitlistic economy. The name is "kie for sowing garlic". This "kie" dosen't show us only traditional style but new form. So here I consider that "kie" dosen't have a substance but comes out as a process of people's choice for everyday life infected by history and society.
　From this view point I caught the "kie for sowing garlic" as an appearance of mixture of different principles for life - "kie" and "sunulumu". "Sunulumu" is regarded as exchange of labor like "pumashi" and as it should be lapsed in the studies of Village Society. But in the reality of the aging and urbanization people of Henwon-ri mix up the different principles for life and collaborate on their work. Through the collaboration people get on the market economy and are struck by the experience.
　Finally the mixture and collaboration of the principles show us the activeness and creativity of people to live the everyday life.

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　The purpose of this study is to examine the relation between the degree of marital satisfaction of intercultural couples and two aspects: cultural differences and social acceptability of their marriage.
　Cultural differences contain differences in language. Custom, values, upbringing of children and evaluation of cultural differences. Social acceptability of their marriage inc1udes opposition from wife's parents, opposition from husband's parents, and prejudices against intercultural marriage. Furthermore, this research examines whether or not couples fundamental attributes affect the abovementioned connection. To determine this presupposition, six fundamental attributes are used: both spouses' occupation and level of education, husband's nationality and duration of marriage.
　The data was obtained through a survey which 1 conducted from September to October in 1996. The subject of the survey is 143 intercultural couples (Japanese wives and non-Japanese husbands) living in Japan.
　Major findings are as follows. According to the result of ANOVA, the degree of marital satisfaction of intercultural couples is connected with cultural differences although it is not connected with social acceptabi1ity of their marriages. Also, the result of two-way ANOVA shows that two of the fundamental attributes, husband's occupation and nationality, affect the relation between marital satisfaction and cultural differences. When a husband is a full-time employee, regardless of their cultural differences, such as difference in language, custom and value, his wife's marital satisfaction is higher than that of a wife whose husband is a part-time employee. Moreover, when a couple has the same value in upbringing of children and the husband is a western, his marital satisfaction is the highest. On the other hand, when a couple has different values in upbringing of children, the western husband has the lowest marital satisfaction. However, although a couple has different values in upbringing of children, the Asian husband tends to have higher marital satisfaction.

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　In this study, the author examined (1) role-relations of dual-earner couples in terms of mutual relations among three variables: role expectation, role conception, and role performance in housework, and (2) the relationship between wives' employment and the characteristics of their own actual role-relations.
　The author interprets anticipated correlations among those three variables as “role discrepancy”. “Role discrepancy” indicates some kinds of gaps, which will be observed between two role-related variables. It will be experimentally induced that there are seven patterns of role-relations in combination of those three variables.
　The samples for this analysis were 99 dual-earner couples with preschool children.
　In dual-earner couples, almost all the housework was carried out by wives. Role-relations, however, are diversified among the couples. Three typical patterns were found: (1) husbands regard housework to be the wives' role, and wives by themselves carry out housework regardless of their own conception (pattern F), (2) both husbands and wives do not regard housework to be the wives' role, but wives actually carry out the housework (pattern C), (3) both husbands and wives regard housework to be the wives' role, and wives actually caπy out the housework (pattern A).
　Secondly, it was found that the characteristics of wives' employment reflected on the differences of those three patterns. Wives in pattern F were found to have begun their working career after their marriages. Wives in pattern C were professional career women who began their careers before their marriages. Wives in pattern A were part-time workers who began their work after marriage.
　Furthermore, it was found that wives' incomes affect the significant differences of those three patterns. In the case of wives with high income, role-relations tend to be close to pattern C. However，in the case of wives with low income, role-relations are more likely to be in pattern A which is a traditional one in Japan.

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