There seems to spread such a discourse as " high self-esteem makes life happier, so, to the contrary, if your self-esteem is low or absent, it makes some psychological problems " among many people. I name this discourse " the rhetoric of self-esteem. " I consider the discourses of recovery books make the rhetoric popular. So, in this paper, I aim to analyze those discourses to make clear the relatedness between the rhetoric of self-esteem and the social situation that has accepted it.
　The writers of recovery books claim that the "dysfunctional family" or the "codependent relationship" produces those who have difficulties of living in the contemporary society because of their lack of self-esteem. What social situation makes such discourses plausible? A.Giddens would probably say that in the de-traditionalized, reflexive society, intimacy has transformed into the "pure relationship." In this form of relationship, people must always make a choice of continuing their relationship or discarding it, by referring to their inside. So people must get high self-esteem to be internally referential in such a society, which makes the discouses of recovery books plausible.
　But I propose to consider the pure relationship as the radicalization of "the cult of the individual." And, as a result of this tendency, many people have tried to manage the risk of hurting the "sacred self" of themselves and others by preserving their own self-esteem depending not on the other's estimation but on their own. The rhetoric of self-esteem presented by the authors of recovery books justifies this "self worship" and teaches many people the methods of this form of worship, which makes the discourse of recovery books plausible.

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　Au cours du XIXe siècle en France, la morphine n'était pas de «drogue>>, mais un <<médicament>> merveilleux. Elle s'est diffusée notamment dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, avec l'invention de la seringue. Les médecins occidentaux utilisaient cette substance comme calmant ou anesthésique. Dans cet article je vais mettre en lumière le passage du <<médicament» à la <<drogue>>, en voyant l'histoi re de la morphine.
　Le mot clef est la <<passion>> pour la morphine ; c'est une idée trouvée par le Dr Levinstein (1877), qui semble apparemment un concept médical. Mais à mon avis, elle était plutôt un concept légal, car la <<passion>> morphinique était beaucoup moins importante dans le contexte clinique ou thérapeutique, que dans le contexte juridique. C'est vrai qu'il y avait un grand débat médico-légal dans les années 1880, des crimes et des délits commis par le morphinomane. Et c'est vrai qu'il n'y avait point de discours médical de cette maladie dans les années 1870, après la guerre franco-allemande ; néanmoins il pouvait y avoir beaucoup des intoxiqués morphiniques en France. Au fond, il faut attendre les années 1880 pour l'apparition de la morphinomanie.
　Avec cette idée de la <<passion>>, les médecins légistes ont inventé une nouvelle catégorie de <<morphinomanie>> comme, pour ainsi dire, demi-responsabilité, car ils n'avaient aucun moyen pour l'expliquer devant le tribunal ; le délinquant morphinique n'était ni sain ni fou, autrement dit, ni responsabilité complète ni responsabilité nulle ... entre les deux. C'était une vraie nouvelle question médicolégale.
　C'est ainsi que la <<morphinomanie>> est née dans les années 1880, d'abord, comme un concept juridique.

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　The modern Japanese emperor system have been regarded as a structure that was maintained by government policy in the earlier studies.Consequently, these studies underestimate the mass media's function in the emperor system and ignore the mass media's autonomy in the face of the government's attempts to rule people through the 'kokutai ideology' that regards the emperor as a god.
　Howaver,in reality the prewar mass media's report of the imperial family had a great influence on the populace's views of them.The content of this report was highly secular, with pictures and articles reporting the friendly figures of the imperial household and their private lives,and was opposed to the government's attempt to rule people through the 'kokutai ideology'.
　The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the ways in which the modern Japanese mass media, in the process of its own commercialization and Japan's modernization, counteracted the government's attempt to build an absolute monarchy.I also seek to revalue the peculiar function of the mass media in the prewar emperor system by presenting research on the process whereby the mass media created the 'popular emperor system' by reporting secular information on the imperial family in response to popular need.

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　The aim of this paper is twofold: to review and to expand the scope of migration systems approach so as to analyze migration processes outside North America.Migration systems theory focuses on the role of migrant networks to explain the development of migration processes. Roughly migration systems are composed of mutually reinforcing four aspects: (1) facilitating function, (2) selective function, (3) channeling function and (4) adaptive function. Family and personal networks facilitate migration, select who migrates, channel migrants to specific places and help adaptation of newcomers. With all explanatory power of the theory, however, it has to be revised to examine the migration processes in Asian countries: It is rather recruiting agencies that promoted labor migration in Asia, instead of family and personal networks. While the American prototype of migration systems operates on the basis of reciprocity, on the other hand Asian migration systems rely more on market exchange relations. Thus we need to distinguish two ideal types of migration systems: reciprocal and commodified migration systems. The difference in the form of migration systems leads to different effects with regard to each of the four functions. (1) Facilitating function: both of the two migration systems lower the costs and risks of migration, making it easier. On the other hand, commodified migration systems do not serve as accumulation of social capital that is the key to the development of reciprocal migration systems.(2) Selective function: in terms of intra-community selection, reciprocal migration systems provide much more opportunities with community members. As for intercommunity selection, commodified migration systems are more open to any communities. (3) Channeling function: reciprocal migration systems direct migrants from a community to specific destinations, while commodified migration systems more randomly distribute migrants at the destination. (4) Adaptive function: reciprocal migration systems maintain social ties at the place of origin even after migration, while migrants in commodified migration systems are less likely to keep social ties at the origin and have to rebuild social relations at the destination, which lead to less favorable condition for short-term adaptation. These differences give us a clue to initiate comparative study of various migration systems.

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　This article explores local practices of Japanese rap, a musical genre originated in devastated U.S. inner-city communities. For a long time, globalization has been understood as processes of invasion, as posited by the "cultural imperialism" thesis. In recent years, however, many scholars have begun to argue that globalization and localization are not so much as opposed as interrelated. Their argument suggests that mutual interaction can be found not only in the political or economic fields, but also in the cultural fields, including that of popular music. Rap music spreads throughout the world as it is distributed by the record industries and has gradually been localized into various parts of the globe, including Japan. As this occurs, localization has aroused the desire to construct "Japanese" rap, -not an "imitation" of U.S. rap but an "original" form. In this article, I will explore and examine the desire through a discussion of the practices that constitute the main dimensions of rap: "sound", "language" and "ideology". In doing so, I shall also focus on the desire to localize rap, and pay particular attention to rap's global / local context.

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　The great Hanshin earthquake disaster took place on January 17, 1995, and inflicted severe damage upon the society of the affected area. The damages were various in kind but the experience of the earthquake disaster no longer exists in its original form. Rather, the experience of the earthquake disaster is arranged as " a memory of the earthquake disaster " among the people of the area.and they create " the meaning " of it. This paper considers the many monuments and cenotaphs that have been placed in the stricken area and clarifies how the experience of the earthquake disaster is memorialized and creates meaning.
　I analyze the system of memory and the meaning of the earthquake disaster from four phases by considering 116 monuments. The four phases are the "death of face to face relationships", the "death of non-face to face relationships", the "life of face to face relationships", and the "life of non-face to face relationships". Each of the four phases creates a different system of meaning in society. The epitaphs shows that many monuments consist of a combination of the four phases, and these monuments make up new system of the meaning.
　If the system of the meaning differs from monument to monument, memories of the earthquake also vary.As Maurice Halbwachs has noted.the frame of the group is composed from many layers, and the meaning is also being made many layers. A frame and its contents compose the memory of the group. "The frame" of the group in the upper layer is a part of the system of meaning in society. In other words, piles of layers have taken away the variety of memories or meanings about the great Hanshin earthquake disaster.

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