The aim of this paper is to consider the concept of “Shakai Kagaku (Social Sciences)”　prior to 1923. Yasutaka Ichinokawa examines the concept of “The Social” in his book　Shakai (The Social) (2006). He insists that (1) the phrase “Shakai Kagaku” was not　popular in Japan before 1923, and (2) this phrase was used to mean the bundling of　sociology, law, politics, economics, and so on, only after 1923, in keeping with the use of　such terminology in Marxism.　In this paper, Ichinokawa’s claims are examined by looking at the history of sociology　and the concept of “Shakai Kagaku” in the writings of Sakae Osugi, an anarchist in the　Taisho era. An examination of the above revealed the following:　First, in the Taisho era, a distinction was not made between “Shakai Kagaku” and　“Shakaigaku (sociology).” In so-called synthetic sociology, “Shakaigaku” meant the　highest conception of the social sciences. In the history of sociology, in pre-1923 Japan,　“Shakai Kagaku” was a phrase which occupied a position critical to synthetic sociology.　Second, under the influence of anarchists such as P. Kropotkin and M. Bakounine,　Osugi’s concept of “Shakai Kagaku” had been used to criticize the sciences prior to 1923.　Moreover, their movements influenced Shinjinkai (an association antecedent to the　Social Science Society). However, little light was shed on their attempts because their　movements were suppressed.

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　Based on interviews with women applying for the post of a clinical psychologist (CP), this paper analyzes the manner in which the number of CPs has increased.　In Japan, the clinical psychology profession has the following three features. First, it is a new profession established as recently as 1988 by the Japanese Society of Certified Clinical Psychologists (JSCCP). Second, individuals aspiring to become CPs are required to attend graduate school. Third, despite unstable employment, a rapid increase in the number of CPs has been observed since 1988.　Approximately 70 percent of CPs are women, although the JSCCP does not welcome only female CPs. However, the reason women aspire to become CPs is different from the reason that they pursue other traditional occupations such as a nurse, a nursery school teacher or a librarian.　In order to make the profession of clinical psychology as advanced as that of medicine, the JSCCP applied two strategies that resulted in mostly women working as CPs. First, the JSCCP stopped making an effort to secure the employment of CPs. Second, they expanded educational institutions and demanded that those applying for the post of CP have a master’s degree.　Both these strategies attracted highly educated women who were not looking for work to support themselves or for a career. Rather, they were motivated to work for the following two reasons. First, they wished to work as a CP for pleasure while managing other housework. Second, they had academic backgrounds that enabled them to attend graduate school without expending a great effort.　As a result, the JSCCP inadvertently placed women at an advantage in becoming CPs. This paper suggests that this will result in CPs becoming a new occupation that is suitable for women.

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　This paper aims to reconsider the concept of practice (pratique) in a present that is filled with uncertainty. To accomplish this, it will be useful to examine Bourdieu’s theory of practice (la théorie de la pratique) and his concept of habitus. According to Bourdieu, practice is produced by an embodied habitus, which includes practical hypotheses (hypotheses pratiques) accompanied by the past and the future, and which is engendered by social structures. Hence, habitus is the key to an understanding of practice, not only for Bourdieu, but for us as well. However, it seems that his definition of the relation between habitus and practice excessively restricts the range of practical action (practice). In fact, Bourdieu’s habitus finds its reality in an embodied past, and for this reason he is unable to sufficiently consider the significance of an uncertain present in practice.　In contrast, Mead claims that “reality exists in a present” and recognizes that the uncertain present is important to our understanding of practice. According to Mead, past and future are oriented in the present, and novelty is found in it. That is, the present is also a site for the reformulation of meaning. In particular, this will be true for problematic situations which cannot be adequately illustrated using Bourdieu’s habitus.　Through this examination of practice from the perspective of an uncertain present, I will try to demonstrate that habitus must be connected with the novelty of the present, and that practical hypotheses are questioned and reconstructed through the novelty that is in the present.

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　This paper discusses whether it is true that a person’s distress in life is proportionate to the severity of a person’s disability, by analyzing the meaning-world of mild disabled persons.　Robert F. Murphy wrote “Some disabilities disturb the able-bodied more than others. There is a hierarchy of devaluation that varies with the severity and type of disability. At the bottom of the scale are persons with facial disfigurement or marked body distortion.” This is to say that the more different a body is from the norm, the more people dislike it. It is also commonly accepted that severely disabled persons are more distressed in life than mild disabled persons. But it would appear that mild disabled persons’ perceptions do not agree with Murphy’s hierarchy, or with these commonly accepted ideas.　The results of this research make it clear that the situation for mild disabled persons is very different from that for the severely disabled. Mild disabled persons cannot decide whether they belong in the group of the able-bodied or in the group of disabled persons. They live in limbo, and tend to be isolated. For this reason, they do their best to enhance their value and try to compensate for their disabilities by making a great effort to acquire recognition. However, occasionally their disabilities prevent them from achieving what they have set out to do, thus proving that they are disabled. But even if they are able to prove this, they find themselves isolated once again. Their difficult situation describes a circle, like a Möbius strip.

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　Television advertisements are a rich source of data for social scientists to investigate because they can be seen as a reflection of prevailing cultural values. Gender value is also one of the critical factors in developing marketing strategies via advertising messages. Most studies reveal that advertisements reflect the construction of gender roles in society. Additionally, although research of gender roles in advertisements iswell-studied in the United States, an understanding of their portrayal in an international context is limited. Therefore, this paper compares gender roles focusing on working roles in television commercials between Japan and Thailand.　This comparative content analysis of approximately 1,700 sampling advertisements within the 2003-2006 period suggests a possible reversal of traditional patterns of literature. Though the proportion of working women in Thailand (66.3%) is quite higher than that of Japan (48.4%), this proportion in Thai (15.7%) and Japanese (17.9%) commercials is insignificantly different. The television commercials of both countries portray the image of housewife. In Japan, Japanese advertisements portray the image of a Japanese woman and family. On the other hand, though the proportion of working women in Thailand is very high, Thai advertisements reflect the trend of gender roles by constructing an ideal image of the housewife in an urban area. This result depicts that the appearance of around 60% of Thai women who work in the agricultural sector is marginalized by the advertising and marketing process.　In summary, the analysis refutes the conclusion that the roles of male and female in advertising correspond with the construction of gender roles in reality. In contrast, advertisements reflect the ideal image of gender roles in society. Moreover, according to the trend of “housewifization” in Asian society, this research suggests further study to pursue the appearance of housewife in television commercials among other Asian countries as well.

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　“Intersex” is a term used to refer to the various body conditions that differ from the anatomically “standard” male or female. This paper explores how intersex individuals experience their lives in terms of their bodies in the context of North American society. The personal narratives of adult intersexuals have been used as the central data source, based upon in-depth interviews with nine North American intersex adults. Their narratives have been framed within a sociological discussion of the body.　The participants’ narratives centered on three phases of body experience; knowledge of the body, the body as a medium for social interaction, and the body as a sign. Findings showed that the body, by sending signals, provokes issues particular to intersex people, thereby playing an important role in the discussion of intersex individual’s experience. Therefore, in order to describe the relation of the body to the social context, this paper particularly focuses on the third phase of the body experience, that of the body as a signal. Finally, the relation between the body as a signal and society is discussed.　Findings demonstrate that these three phases of body experience affect one other. In addition, each phase of body experience deeply relates to each stage in society; knowledge of the body as it relates to one’s level of discourse; the interactive body as it relates to the level of social interaction; and the body as a signal as it relates to one’s level as a performer among intersex people. These findings suggest that the body as a sign acceleratessocial interaction towards change in society, such as intersex activism, through the process of the social interaction.

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　Though many studies have examined the relationship between the Japanese Empire and its colonies, few have addressed the exotic gaze which urban dwellers cast upon the colonized. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the relationship between the Japanese people and the exhibited colonial other. Through official colonial exhibitions, the Japanese authorities attempted to ‘guide’ the Japanese subjects’ view of the colonized. Meanwhile, newspaper reports covering two colonial exhibitions - held in 1903 and in 1912 - reflect the way in which Japanese patrons saw the colonized. This paper will show how hegemonic colonial ideas propagated by the colonial authorities were reinterpreted by the common people.　In 1903, eight years after the First Sino-Japanese War, in the Fifth National Industrial Exhibition, the Taiwan Governor General’s Office attempted to present the island as the “honor of the Empire.” At first, consistent with the expectations of the exhibition’s organizers, Japanese patrons appeared to be in awe of the main attraction, namely the Taiwan Pavilion. However, it seemed that for many Japanese patrons, the most attractive “exhibits” were not those that had been prepared by the colonial government, but the waitresses in a Taiwanese café and restaurant that had been set up by private Japanese businessmen. Instead of seeing Taiwan as an island full of natural resources - which had been the original intention of the exhibition’s organizers - the Japanese patrons cast a very different gaze upon the colonized.　The Colonization Exhibition in 1912 was held with the purpose of showcasing Japan’ s various political and economic accomplishments in its colonies, in order to attract private investors. However, the attention of Japanese audiences was drawn by an aboriginal Taiwanese tour group that had traveled to Japan upon the invitation of colonial authorities.They were not a part of the official exhibition, but were viewed by most Japanese people as a part of it, and they became the focus of the Japanese media. This small group of Taiwanese indigenous people came to represent Japan’s popular imagination of the Empire’s civilizing mission in a savage, tropical land.　All in all, Japanese patrons of these exhibitions did not see the whole colony, as if the Empire’s understanding of the colony was also a partial one. Their limited understanding thus helped to construct the cultural edifice of the Japanese colonial empire. However the gap between the Empire’s expectations and people’s perceptions of the colony remained.

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