In this article, I have two aims: (1) to explore the problematic of the stranger concept, and the definitions of the stranger by G. Simmel and A. Schutz, and (2) to consider the sociological significance of the stranger's eyes.
　First, I examine the frame of reference by which we can analyze the various situations that strangers find themselves in. In sociological works regarding the stranger, the two analytical axes suggested by L. Harman, "proximity" and "membership orientation", are quite useful to construct the ideal types of stranger.
　With reference to Harman's work, I see Simmel's stranger as fitting the "specialist" model, and Schutz's as the "immigrant" model. These categories make clear the different contexts in which two authors defined the stranger concept, and show the features of the "specialist's eyes" and the "immigrant's eyes".
　On the one hand, Simmel defined the stranger (der Fremde) as the one "who comes today and stays tomorrow", that is, "the potential wonderer" as typified by the trader and the judge who are invited from outside. These specialists have a wide perspective and are free from the conventions and prejudices of the host society. The stranger, as specialist, sees the world fairly from a bird's-eye view, and brings new ideas and useful advice to the host society.
　On the other hand, Schutz conceptualized the stranger as the immigrant, as the one who tries to be permanently accepted or tolerated by the host society. For this type of stranger, new life in the host society is a kind of "crisis" because he/she lacks the useful guidance for action. Thus, the stranger, as immigrant, sees the host society with a strong interest, and pursues knowledge as a "recipe" for his/her new social life. Through the quest for new "recipes", the stranger, as immigrant, visualize the "crisis" which is difficult to notice from the standpoint of the insider.

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　Many interpretations exist regarding the phenomena Foucault calls power. The leading interpretation is that "Power is knowledge for Foucault." According to this theory, in Foucault's works he suggests that seeing some knowledge as truth, people consider it to be obvious.
　This paper first attempts to show that this interpretation is incorrect, and that a significant point that Foucault is making is missed because of this popular interpretation.
　Through a careful reading of Discipline and Punish (1 975) and The History of Sexuality (1976), this paper extracts Foucault's main concern with the way pervasive dominance, among subjects, is attained and sustained on a micro level. Although such an issue has already been addressed in previous research, there is little research that refers specifically to Foucault's text to argue his point that knowledge is accumulated materially and plays an important role as a mediator which bridges the phenomenon of power occurring at both micro and macro levels.
　As a conclusion, the paper shows that it is inappropriate to take simply Foucault's definition of power as knowledge, for the phenomenon he aims at explaining also comprises the various roles of knowledge in the multi-layered mechanism that is the phenomenon of power.

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　The purpose of this paper is to consider the identity of Japanese immigrants in Argentina, using narratives of their life histories and Japanese newspapers published in Argentina.
　Argentina is a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic state. However, Japanese immigrants have been historically marginalized in both Argentinean and Japanese society. Argentina is a multi-ethnic society in reality but it has been built on a strong bias towards white European immigrants, so immigrants from Japan have been regarded the second-class citizen. Their emigration was a result of the Japanese government policy in the years following the end of World War II, and during that period for many Japanese the word "emigrant" (imin) started to imply "dumped people" (kimin).
　Under these circumstances, the 1st generation of Japanese emigrants to Argentina did not resist or make objections towards this marginalization. They did not organize any direct social/political movement to defend themselves. Instead, they created a positive ethnic image in Argentina society. Thus, "Japanese Identity" was invented, with which they collectively and try to identify. Though their personal migration stories varied too much extent, Japanese immigrants in Argentina standardized their difference and share the common migration story that strongly stresses the adventurous and romantic nature of their motives for immigration, and emphasize the virtue of their honesty and diligence. They are culturally proud of becoming "more Japanese than the Japanese people living in Japan". The main stream of the Argentinean society has a strong image of Japaneseness because of their long-time efforts to redefine themselves; Japanese in Argentina are now making their cultural identity according to this expectation.
　Mass emigration after World War II was a creation of the Government. Each emigrant was helpless in this circumstance and the host society had marginalized Japanese emigrants. They accepted this reality but they skillfully created collective ethnic image in the host society and re-imagine their cultural identity to improve their position in the society.

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　The aim of this paper is to consider the following difficulties with regard to gender discourse in sports. The 1st is that a concrete form for the distinction between man and woman for the free and equal enjoyment of sports cannot be shown. The 2nd is that, in gender discourse, an indifferent or evasive attitude on the part of the receiving person is shown. The deviation-situation between addressers and receiving persons poses a serious problem for future gender theory.
　This paper takes the viewpoint of gender as a norm, and gender discourse in sports is analyzed sociologically.
　The following became clear as a result of analysis:
　While gender discourse emphasizes a men's and women's homogeneity to aim at the ultimate reduction of differences, female predominance is asserted by heterogeneous emphasis by man and woman. Therefore, for the receiving person, a sense of incongruity arises where gender discourse is concerned. Furthermore, our sense of values is spread variously, so the gender discourse "it should be like this" feels like a wall barring other possibilities.
　From the viewpoint which regards gender as a norm, a distinction between man and woman is not required. But we accept what is called "sex" naturally for the present, and it is possible by accepting such an attribute to perform free selection subjectively. One has accepted the restraints of so-called "sex" in order to establish subjectivity. So it is not the role of gender discourse in sports to emphasize men's and women's homogeneity to aim at ultimate reduction of difference, nor to show the form of a one-sided distinction between man and woman. It is important for gender discourse to remind us that various possibilities remain open.

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