ソシオロジ
Online ISSN : 2188-9406
Print ISSN : 0584-1380
ISSN-L : 0584-1380
36 巻, 3 号
通巻 113号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
論文
  • ガーフィンケルによる日常的社会学的想像力の解剖
    清水 学
    1992 年 36 巻 3 号 p. 3-19,148
    発行日: 1992/02/29
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     The rather grotesque concept of "practical sociological reasoning" (PSR) is undoubtedly one of the key elements of Harold Garfinkel's "ethnomethodological study" of social life. Regrettably, however, the fruitfulness of his thought has never been fully explored, and the very concept PSR is still the "uninteresting but essential" topic for the study concerning "ethnomethodological study." Thus, sociologists always fail to capture the strength of his sociological theses, which hold a critical significance to the so-called "phenomenological sociology". In this paper, I shall review Garfinkel's thought by illuminating this concept of PSR, and seek to reconstruct his theses - most of which were left unstated.
     First, the nature and some implications of PSR are examined. The concept is paraphrased the "ethno-hypothesis". This inquiry leads us to the narrative theory of social world and the term "everyday sociological imagination", first used by N. K.Denzin, which with some modification can be seen as equivalent to PSR. Consequently, we come to the hitherto overlooked gulf that separates Garfinkel's theory from the "phenomenological school" represented by Alfred Schutz: Garfinkel's sociological critique of everyday narrative.
     This point of view challenges the idealistic tone of the traditional sociological concept "definition of the situation", and at the same time becomes a powerful critique of our practical hermeneutical worldview, i.e. the common sense, to which Schutz conferred such a paramount status.
  • その可能性と限界
    吉田 竹也
    1992 年 36 巻 3 号 p. 21-36,147
    発行日: 1992/02/29
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     Clifford Geertz, in developing "interpretive anthropology," has contributed a great deal of suggestive discussions which have decisively influenced post-structuralist anthropology. However his work seems to show some logical flaws, one of which we focus upon in this essay by examining a series of his "cultural system" studies.
     Geertz wrote on religion, ideology, art, and common sense "as a cultural system" respectively, but he didn't clarify how these constitute the whole cultural system, nor did he define each of them sufficiently. Although, in the sixties, he had tried to define the idea of "cultural system" in general, specially in the case of religion, he learned, in the seventies, to understand it in the context of particular societies, without developing the logical implications of this idea. Thus his "cultural system" studies change their hue in the process of his further interpretive efforts.
     Such a change in his work is, we think, natural. If we ponder over the constitution of the whole cultural system, or take "cultural system" to consist of sub-systems which themselves are cultural systems in Geertz's theory, what is to be considered is not a single sub-system by itself, but the level of the whole cultural system, or the arrangement of sub-systems. It is therefore difficult to identify a religion in one society with one in another and then define the religious system generally. From this point of view, it is first of all the complex and changeable modality of cultural sub-systems in an individual society that we should describe and understand through case studies.
     Thus the framework of Geertz's cultural system theory included already ambiguously the subsequent more interpretive pursuits in his work. Ambiguously,because this theory couldn't logically support his interpretive approach.And yet it shows us both theoretical potentialities and logical limitations immanent in his work.
  • P・ウィリス「野郎ども」研究との対比を通して
    大前 敦巳
    1992 年 36 巻 3 号 p. 37-52,146
    発行日: 1992/02/29
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     The purpose of this paper is to find a homology and differences of research frameworks between Pierre Bourdieu and Paul Willis, in order to turn them to practical use in Japan.
     Willis propounded a notion of cultural production which stresses the activities of "lads" who exercise "partial penetration". I think the reason is that, against the criticism (after the publication of Learning to Labour) which regards his model as determinism similar to Bourdieu's system, Willis wanted to declare the differences between them.
     However, in my view, Bourdieu's system is also far from deterministic model, because he starts with a notion of practice which explains the activities of social agents in "temporal" time as opposed to "chronologic" time. From this view point one may say that the conceputual frameworks of practice and cultural production have a homology as non-deterministic model.
     Then, it is important to consider one of the critical differences. It's about praxis. Bourdieu never talks about praxis, but Willis develops his analysis toward paxis which is linked with "resistance". But his argument has a contradiction, because his theoretical framework does not consider the paradox of dominated people. To avoid falling into this paradox, Bourdieu demands a preparatory analysis in order to objectify the relation between the researcher and the inguired people. Bourdieu's "counter culture" is to create the culture which can analyse the alternative opposition between "resistance" and "submission". Therefore, with regard to "counter culture", I think Bourdieu's theory of practice is more available for my purpose in spite of his difficult methodology.
  • 大正期「童心主義」 をめぐって
    河原 和枝
    1992 年 36 巻 3 号 p. 53-70,145
    発行日: 1992/02/29
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     Modern children's literature was established in Japan during the Taisho era, when the magazine Akai Tori was the center of a movement to develop stories (dowa) and poetry (doyo) especially for children. Authors and poets of the day praised the purity and innocence of children, and strove to create works of children's literature that reflect that "childlike mind" (doshin). For that reason, children's literature from this period is known as "doshinshugi" literature, the literature of "childlike innocence."
     The idealization of childlike innocence was not restricted, however, to the field of children's literature. Examination of the manifestations of this preoccupation in a wider socio-cultural context reveals the following points:
     1. The literature of "innocence" was greatly influenced by the image of children in modern western literature, romanticism in particular. However, the concept of the pure and innocent mind of the child was not merely a western import. As can be seen from the writings of Kitahara Hakushu, the founder of children's poetry, it also includes supposedly traditional Japanese images of children. Here we may see a case of what Eric Hobsbawm has called the "invention of tradition."
     2. The rhetoric of childlike innocence, while praising the concept of motherhood, at the same time is accompanied by an attitude which ignores motherhood. Doshinshugi thus reflects the male-dominated culture.
     3. Childlike innocence was associated with the popular image of the Edo-period priest Ryokan, propagated during the Taisho era by Souma Gyofu. This gave birth to the legend of Ryokan having a childlike heart. This is another example of the invention of tradition. The Ryokan legend played an important role in spreading the idea of childhood innocence throughout the populace.
     4. The idea of childlike innocence had for the artists of the day an image of selfliberation, and served to mediate the conflict between their western frame of reference, derived from literature, and the real society of Taisho Japan in which they lived. For that reason doshin became a key word of the times.
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