There is a stereotyped interpretation of Durkheim's sociology:he had a reified view of social reality. He says, “Indeed, social things are only realized by men: they are the product of human activities.” But interpreters have said that they can't easily find such a view in his social theory.
　On the contrary, this paper will insist that Durkheim certainly had a theory about this mechanism - human activities→social things -. To Demonstrate that, this paper will focus on Durkheim's view of the relation between economy and morality. Of course, we can't avoid an examination of his conception of society The relation between economy and morality is not only a central theme in Durkheim's sociology, but also a strategically important one for our object.
　By extending an above-mentioned theme, this paper will rearrange Durkheim's sociolgy as a theory of institution. Durkheim's theory had a thory, as follows; institution is produced by human activities and automatizes itself, and finally, it becomes fetters to human beings, i.e. alienation. Furthermore, Durkheim took into account a process of de-alienation of institution.
　Accordingly, Durkheim's sociology has the same view as Berger = Luckmann's: “In other words, despite the objectivity that marks the social world in human experience, it does not thereby acquire an ontological status apart from the human activity that produced it.”

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　This article examines the methodological and epistemological nature of the modelling of the social structure in social anthropology. For this purpose, the model of the segmentary lineage system, which was constructed by E. E. Evans-Pritchard in his study on the Nuer of the Southern Sudan, is dealt with as a case, for this is one of the most controversial models in social anthropology.
　Basically, models are classified into two categories; the analytical model of social scientists and the folk model of native people. And the latter is further divided into the representational model which refers to actor's notion or “what they think” and the operational model which refers to actual social process or "what they do." After examining the work of Evans-Pritchard and othes, it is found that these distinctions of the model, which are indispensable for the study of social structure, are rather vague in the model of segmentary lineage system so it's sometimes difficult to clarify to what this model really refers. I then attempt to reconstruct this model so that its reference might become clear.
　The conclusion reached is that this model undoubtedly refers to some field of the actual process as well as the actor's notion, though a further study is necessary in order to make clear the degree of reference to the whole social reality and the possibility of the use of other medels at the same time.

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　In this paper, I attempted an analysis of the political career of the members of Liberal Democratic Party (which has been the governmental party in Japan since its establishment in 1955) who were elected to the House of Representatives in 1980.
　Especially these two aspects were taken into account: (1) whether their career had been based at the central governments or at each constituency, (2) whether that career was in the organizational political system (institutional), or can be said to be a personal relation with politicians (not institutional). For each category I chose four kinds of careers: local politicians (constituency, institutional), high government officials (central, institutional), sons of members of parliaments (constituency, not institutional), secretaries to members of parliaments (central, not institutional).
　Of 287 members, 249 have at least one of those four elements, which shows the narrowness of the channel to the members of Representatives of Liberal Democratic Party. And when we compare them in arranging by the year they were elected for the first time, there exists a movement of the quantative dominance from institutional career to not institutional (personal relation). Particularly those who are the sons of Diet members gradually attain a position as the secretary to a member of parliament (in most case to their own fathers) in contrast with the reduction of the number of those who had been high government officials. And the number of those who had been local politicians is constant regardless of terms.
　In effect, such results seem to indicate a tendency that the Liberal Democratic Party has recently given importance to its role as the dominant party not as the government party.

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　Modern tradegies that give ordinary men involuntarily humiliating characters seem to be interpersonal dramas that hurt their self-esteem. Among these, above all, it is important that they are hurt as a result of rejections by others.
　An individual actor's self-esteem in the interpersonal situation is based on two kinds of complementary evaluations that generally or particularly are recognized by the other, and that other - relatedly or self- relatedly are estimated by himself. In short, his self - determination cannot completely maintain it without a recognition by the other.
　To experience rejection by the other results in being hurt in his self-esteem. The degree of hurt depends upon the penetration of his self-esteem to a public face in connection with the social influence of the rejection. The more active his behavioral attitude is and the more sincere his inner attitude is, the greater the degree of penetration must be. Challenging situations or broken taken -for -granted ones are possibly typical scenes experiencing a rejection. In these situations, defeat in competition, prohidition of access, invasive persecution, and betrayal of confidence result in different types of failure by rejection.
　A failure by rejection is one in which the actor's public face is deprived. It tends to be the "ultimate proof of an incapacity." So, in every interpersonal situation, social communication potentially involvesthe risk of loosing his public face and the relationship drama of failure.
　The hurt of his self-esteem is, according to it's difference of degree, restorative or destructive. The latter may lead him to an opportunity toward death or rebirth from death. New motivational coordination is necessary for spoiled self-esteem. Therefore, though the experience of failure is an unfortunate event and may reinforce his style of self-defense, it may help to reduce burdens of life, too.

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　Problems of distributive justice have drawn special attention recently.Many disciplines, including welfare economics, game theory, moral philosophy, and politics, have encountered and discussed the problems of distributive justice from their unique perspectives. By comparing these disciplines, through positive analysis, sociology and social psychology have contributed some essential ideas towards understanding distributive justice. In this paper, I plan to review briefly and try to examine critically the existing achievements of the sociological approach and to further develop the sociological approach to the problems of distributive justice.
　Exchange theory (G. C. Homans) and equity theory (S. Adams etc.) founded the basic formulation of distributive justice. Their definition of distributive justice is; distributive justice is a phenomenon which has consistent correspondence between traits attributed to distributees (contribution, work ability, productivity, need, ) and reward distributed to them bya distributor (income, prestige,). More briefly, it is a consistent relation between inputs and outcomes among distrubution- units. Inconsistency among them amounts to distributive injustice. Equity theorists (S. Adams, E Walster) typified the ways to reestablish a state of distributive justice and offered some specific hypothesises. Of course these are some critics of their ideas. M. Deutsche pointed out four phases in the distributive procese, and criticized the superficiality of Homans-Equity formalization.
　J. Berger and his Stanford group also criticized the narrow perspective of Homans-Equity formulation. They distinguish 'local comparison' and 'referential comparison' in the evaluation of the distribution state. In local comparison, the reference is based upon specified distributee in the same distributive boundary. By contrast, referential comparison is more general and objective. Since Homans-Equity formalization is confined to local comparison, they have some defects. For example, they couldn't distiguish 'collective injustice from individual injustice', ‘over-reward from lower-reward' in two distributees. By introducing two comparisons J. Berger et al. could overcome these defects, and could discuss more exclusively the movement of reforming social injustice thus enriching the approach.
　In the latter half of the paper, I point out four problems which have not been discussed by Homans, Equity theorists and their critics.
　Firstly I illustrate the process of distribution as a three stage process with three subinfluences between each two stages.
　What mechanisms work when the norm of distributive justice is formed? For the development of the norm, it's necessary to treat plural distributive units as the correlated matters, to attribute the correct significance to each unit and then formulate an idea of the potencial norm.
　Secondaly, I tentatively follow the process of normative development in the hypothetical setting. As a result, I discriminate six functions of the developmental process which I hope provide additional insights into the problem of distributive justice and formal sociology in general.
　Thirdly, I provide several hypotheses concerning the conditions that encourage formalization and the exercise of the norm of distributive justice.
　Fourthly, each norm of distributive justice has its boundary of adaptation, so a state of distributive justice is regarded as the complete exercise of the norm among distributive units in a certain boundary. Based on the idea of‘boundary', we can more generally discuss various types of recovery from a state of distributive injustice and the various tactical uses to get one's own advantages within such a system.
　I hope, some discussions in this paper will contribute to a foundationof the general theory of distributive justice.

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