In Japan, residents and their attending physicians almost always shared the same area of specialization and came from the same university department. But a new system, initiated in 2004, adopted a short-term rotation system that involved several important departments. Moreover, teaching hospitals are now recruiting residents independently, so residents and attending physicians seldom share the same identity. Bosk (1979) suggested that, because moral errors made by residents might disturb the hierarchy and norm of the physicians’ group and invade their solid identity, attending physicians are much more likely to focus on a resident’s moral errors than his or her technical errors. However, under Japan’s new residency training system, the ways of professional control being proposed by Bosk may no longer hold true.　I interviewed two attending physicians working at the same teaching hospital but having two different specialties. One attending physician who had strong ties with the university and specialized in endocrine medicine believed that he should correct moral errors much more than technical errors much as Bosk had suggested. But this physician felt frustrated teaching residents who did not have the same area of specialization and who were from a different university department, and finally gave up his efforts to correct moral errors that had been made by them. In contrast, the other attending physician who had weak ties with the university and specialized in emergency medicine welcomed this new system and accepted residents regardless of their specialty and university.　I was able to conclude that there is another model for self-control in the medical training system in Japan. With this in mind, we should continue to have in-depth discussions of the mechanisms of self-control in the medical profession, mixing the existing methods of self-control which force members to unify in keeping with prevailing identities.

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　The purpose of this paper is to clarify the conditions that had to be met in order for the sufferer community of the Chuetsu-Earthquake to become “recovered.” This paper is based on fieldwork conducted in the Naranoki hamlet located in the former Yamakoshi village which suffered great earthquake damage. The damage was so immense that every house in the hamlet was totally destroyed and all of the roads leading to the village were completely disrupted. For this reason, there were doubts as to whether the community itself could be sustained.　In addition to this immense damage, the return to the Naranoki hamlet requiredpeople to become re-acclimatized to life in a depopulated area with heavy snowfalls afteralmost three years living in shelters located in an urban area. At last, more than half ofthe households decided not to return to the hamlet.　However, the remaining 12 households finally chose to return to the village. What conditions were necessary for these twelve households to go back and to maintain the community? This paper attempts to analyze these conditions by looking at their practices for maintaining both their farmland and the former locations of their homes.　In conclusion, the vital condition to maintain this earthquake-stricken community was, phenomenally, to sustain the land’s productivity or, in their words, “to prevent the land from going wild.” This practice was performed by all the households in the community, even those that had chosen not to return to the village. For the people of this community, to keep the land “alive” actually meant to sustain the productivity of the land, but at the same time, it meant the re-productivity of relationships including the victims, the former members and the ancestors in the hamlet.

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　The purpose of this paper is to clarify the reason why new farmers were accepted by a rural community.　In recent years, agricultural problems such as fallow farmland, an aging farm population and a lack of successors, have become serious in Japan. Given this situation, we focus our attention on the presence of the people from urban areas who are engaged in organic farming. However, in reality, because conventional (or, in other words, “local”) farmers often treat their farmland as their own property, it is not easy for new farmers to obtain land. In keeping with this, previous research has mainly focused on how the new farmers should address this situation.　My research with regard to the Yasato district presents a new point of view. I show that differences in the values conventional and new farmers have toward farmland actually help the new farmers to gain access to land. For instance, while the conventional farmers place great importance on having rice paddies and often ignore the existence of a field suited for the growing of vegetables, the new farmers believe that the use of vegetables fields will make their lives easier.　My research points out not only the importance of these different values but also of sharing a common understanding. The fact that both the new farmers and the conventional farmers engage in agriculture and that both work hard helps to produce a common understanding and this understanding enables them to live in close proximity to one another.　In my conclusion, I insist that, given the lack of successors, flexible treatment by the rural community ― namely the approval of the presence of “outsiders” ― is necessary to the preservation of their farmland.

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　The purpose of this paper is to consider the meaning of work with a particular focus on the work ethics of today’s youth in the form of “want to do.” This discussion will be augmented by a look at Freeters who seem to typify the work ethics of today’s youth.　Studies regarding Freeters have taken two directions and the point at which they intersect is not clear. While one focuses on structural factors such as the labor market for the young, the other aims to explain psychological factors. The former approach is insufficient to explain differences in Freeter work ethics and the latter describes their work ethics as undeveloped, using terms like “dependence” and “laziness” and misinterpreting changes in work ethics as a form of deterioration.　This paper seeks to take a new direction, looking at the meaning of work from a standpoint similar to the latter approach but taking caution not to fall merely into a bashing of today’s youth. This paper will first discuss social exclusion and the reflexive self, then address the conflict between Freeters and their true self-image, and finally look at redefinitions of work and human beings via discussions of disenchantment regarding the workplace and re-enchantment regarding consumption. I will show the meaning of work ethics as “want to do,” clarify the difficulties today’s youth face where work is concerned and follow changes in the value of work itself.

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　The purpose of this paper is to examine activities for the protection and cultivation of Taiwanese folk crafts in the Japanese Empire, 1941-45. In particular, I will focus on the process of networking between Takeo Kanaseki (1897-1983) who established and edited the magazine Taiwan Folklore (Minzoku Taiwan) and Muneyoshi Yanagi (1889-1961) who managed the Japan Folk-Crafts Museum (Nihon Mingeikan).　First, I argue that since 1930s the colonial government of Taiwan instituted a law protecting the natural and cultural environments, but the category of “culture” protected by the government did not include the folk-crafts and folklore of the Taiwan Han. In addition to the assimilation (Japanization) policy toward the Taiwanese subjects and the development of mass tourism, this situation led to the increasing destruction of the traditional production system for Taiwanese folk crafts and their replacement by modernized and Japanized products for immigrants and tourists from Japan.　Second, I will trace the process through which Kanaseki and Yanagi cooperated to protect and cultivate Taiwanese folk crafts by claiming their artistic and historical value to both the Japanese and Taiwanese people. However, such claims carried with them the great risk of being confused with Taiwanese nationalism. Therefore, they attempted to invent new meanings of colonial culture or “locality,” namely “sub”-locality, “multi” -locality, and “trans”-locality.　Lastly, I will argue that although these three types of the Taiwanese “locality” were based upon and existed within the territorial frame of the Japanese empire, they also had the potential to deconstruct the ethno-racial hierarchy or the center-periphery relations between the metropole and the colonies.

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　The purpose of this paper is to consider the process whereby marriage, arranged by nakoudo (go-betweens), was institutionalized during the Meiji period. The subject of countless articles, this marital pattern has characterized Japanese marriage. However, it was not “Japanese tradition” but “Samurai tradition.” While Western modernization resulted in the individualization and secularization of marriage, Japanese early modernization institutionalized, paradoxically, arranged marriage based on familism. This marital pattern then began to gain wide acceptance as a “legitimate marital pattern” among the general population. Few studies have addressed the institutionalization process of arranged marriage and go-betweens during the course of modernization. However, it is essential to study the process because there was a strong social norm: marriage without a go-between was not “correct marriage” and love marriages had been sanctioned long since the Meiji era.　Given that the Civil Code in Meiji did not prescribe the use of go-betweens, we need to focus rather on ideology, because this norm seemed to be widespread, not by laws but through the press, education and morals.　By examining the ideological conflict between Individualism and Familism, discourses of “civilization” by intellectuals, nakoudo marriage as an “invention of tradition,” and nakoudo as respectable or desirable, this paper shows that arranged marriage did not always confront the idea of “liberty” or “love” but was institutionalized in parallel with the popularization of love (marriage). Nakoudo marriage was a marital pattern that overcame contradictions between Familism and Individualism. The nakoudo, rather than restraining individual will or love, functioned as a symbol of the social approval oflove.

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