In 1968, OECD published the statistics in the educational structure of labourforces, from which we can learn the occupational structure of the higher educationgraduates in sixteen countries. (1) The higher education qualified labour forces among the total labour forcesshow a ratio about 2 or 3% in most European countries, above 7% in Japan, 10% in Canada, and 19% in U. S. A. The former can be called the lowereducated societies, the latter the higher educated societies. (2) In the lower educated societies, above 70% of the higher education graduatesare absorbed in the professional and technical occupations, while in the highereducated societies only 40-50% are absorbed in such occupational category.That is to say, the traditional privilege of higher education graduates has beenlost in the higher educated societies and a considerable number are forced toseek their occupation in clerical, sales or manual jobs. (3) On the other hand, in higher educated societies the chances for the nonhighereducation graduates to get a professional or technical occupations havediminished considerablly. It means that the positions of the professional andtechnical occupations are exclusively monopolized by the higher educationgraduates. For instance, about 75% of the professional and technical occupationsare taken by the higher education graduates in U. S. A., while it is about 30%in most European countries. (4) Thus the higher education in the higher educated societies has lost theprivileged function to guarantee its graduates for the professional and technicaloccupations, but in the meanwhile the higher educational qualif ication hasbecome a more and more neccessary prerequisite to get a professional or technicaloccupation. (5) Here appears the differentiation among the higher education graduates. Someof the graduates are engaged in the professional and the technical jobs, andothers in the clerical, sales and manual jobs. This allocation seems to be dueto the following factors. A. A vertical functional differentiation in the higher education. For example, the graduates of the graduate schools are likely to get professional andtechnical occupations and the graduates of universities or junior colleges arelikely to be engaged in clerical, sales and manual jobs. B. A horizontal functional differentiation in study fields. For instance, graduatesof law or technical faculties are engaged in professional and technicaloccupations, and graduates of other faculties, in clerical, sales and manualjobs. C. An informal differentiation between the high-ranked universities and collegesand low-ranked ones.
The purpose of this paper is to present a summary of the analysis of students'preferences for senior secondary curriculum and their course selectivity in relationto college aspirations. We attempted to approach this study from three aspects.First we looked at hierarchies and at inter-course relationships in preferences asrevealed by examination patterns at entrance and by senior-year “hindsight” preferencesin relation to the courses in which the respondents were actually enrolled.We then examined stability and shifts in preferences from examination and entryto graduation. Finally, we looked into senior-year “hindsight” preferences inrelation to the reasons expressed for those preferences, their relation to collegeaspirations, and the reasons why dissatisfied students were enrolled in other thanthe curriculum that, as seniors, they preferred. The data used in this paper were based upon the responses to the questionnairesentitled “Research on Course Selectivty and Career Perspectives AmongMale Upper-Secondary Students”, which were administered in the middle ofDecember 1966, to 72007 senior secondary students sampled from all over Japan, except the north-eastern parts to the Kanto-disrtrict. The paper reports four findings (1) preference patterns and realization, (2) stability, focused adjustment, and instability in course preferences, (3) some interpretationsof choices and preferences, and (4) some impacts of college aspirationsupon the course preferences among senior secondary school students. In the process of the analysis, the author has introduced some new concepts: One of them is the course preference patterns with three symbols and three digitlocations in order to analyze their stability and shifts; on the other hand theauthor constructed four types of college aspirations to carry an analysis of theimpacts of the college aspirations upon “hindsight” preferences for senior secondarycurriculum. The paper is characterized by these concepts which are in the keypositions of the analysis.
There are three ways of approaching to the analysis of the student movement.The first approach is employed in analysing collective behavior or mass movementemphasized on the emerging process, the maturity, the decline, the sphere of theinfluence, participant, the means, the interaction process of the movement. Thesecond approach is the one employed in political sociology and it tends to analyzethe movement in terms of ideology, leadership, revolution, loss and gain of preandpost-revolution, a power-holding technique and its method and propaganda.Sociology of education, as the third approach, analyzes the movement in relationwith the class origin and the quality of students, as well as the curriculms, teaching methods and liberalism at college. The character of the student movement is undecisive. It is unpredictablewith respect to its goal, a place, the means, a solving method, participants, quality of participants, the term, ideology, funds, the supporting system, universityadministration and control over the movement. This paper is based upon three kinds of data the author collected for thestudy. The first data have been collected from newspapers of the Asahi, theMainichi and the Yomiuri, from January 1, 1965 to May 31, 1968; the seconddata have also been collected from the Asahi and the Mainichi from January 1, 1956 to December 31, 1968; and the third data are the analysis on their campaigntactics. The findings are; firstly, the sudent movement is active in on-campus politicalissues, on-campus economic issues and off-campus political issues; secondly, it is ego-oriented and nationalism oriented; thirdly, it had political activityorientation and periodic character; fourthly, its power relation is formed againstthe government, the authorities maintaining the public peace, political parties, military forces, the university authorities and college professors; and fifthly, thetactics employed in the movement tends to be non-aggressive at the beginning, gradually becoming aggressive, and at the last moment, very fierce.
Japanese higher education is faced with a crisis. Women's higher educationcannot escape its fate. Because of the age-old discrimination and of handicapsand hurdles attached to women's education in Japan the situation might be moreserious and complicated. Never in the history of Japanese education has the female population incolleges and universities including junior colleges been so great. In 1960 therewere 16, 448 girls graduating from 4-year colleges and 21, 041 graduating fromjunior colleges, while in 1970 48, 769 girls graduating from 4-year colleges and 99, 518 girls graduating from junior colleges. In 1970 one out of ten girls, interms of agegroup, attends college or university, while in case of boys nearlythree out of ten attend. Ten years ago 4 out of 100 girls attended colleges anduniversities and one out of 6 boys attended. It is quite ironical to meet with acrisis in the midst of prosperity. In spite of such phenomenal increase thegovernment has failed to meet the needs of the students. Junior colleges areoccupied by female students: almost 83% of the student population in juniorcolleges is women. On the other hand almost 82% of the student population in4-year colleges is men. At the same time 94% of female studnts are enrolled inprivately-supported junior colleges, because the government paid no attention towomen's higher education, leaving it almost entirely to private schools. There seems to be a stereo-typed social image of women in Japan. Collegewomen are expected to work for a short period on a stop-gap job; they areexpected to quit the job at the time of marriage. In ten or fifteen years theyare expected to work as part-timers, because industry demands labor force verybadly. Since we are inclined to behave as expected, most college graduatesfollow this track. It seems that women's higher education is geared to meet theneeds of industry. It is serious for higher education to be subjugated byindustry. As indicated in the statement issued by the Ministry of Education concerning the revision of high school curriculum, there is a resurgence of age-old education.peculiar to women. “Education for good-wife-and-wise-mother” has been emphasizedagain as a guideline for woman's education. In this post industrial societyin which women's roles become more complicated and varied, this kind of educationalpolicy formulated out of ignorance and negligence by the government willin all probability jeopadize not only women's higher education but the totalsociety.
We are now in rush of essays or plans about universities, but many of themare, either far from reality and insist on the idea of university exclusively, ortoo near-sighted which examines many nonessential issues without a basic idea.What we now need is an analysis of the present condition opened toward an ideaof university. The purpose of this paper is to try such an analysis, on thebasis of the historical reflection and the examination of the present condition. This paper is divided into two parts. In the first half, we reflectedhistorically the relation between the social developement and the change ofuniversities, and in the latter half, upon the recognition of it, we reconsideredthe methodology or the postulate of modern sociology of education in our country, and suggested one method of inquiry into the education in the university. For convenience' sake, we divided the developement of universities into threestages to understand more clearly the characteristics of universities in the age ofwhat we call “the technologial society”. The first stage starts from the systemof universities in the mediaeval society, and continues till the industrial revolution.The second is that of universities in the period of industrialization, from thelatter half of the 18 th century to the 19th century. And lastly, the third isthat in the 20th century, especially after the World War II, what we calltechnoiogical society, in which social behaviors are conducted mainly accordingto “Zweckrationalitat” promoted by science and technology. On our viewpoint, the characteristics of universities in the technological society is its specializationand popularization. On the above recognition, in the latter half of this paper, we examined firstlythe methodological premise, about the present condition of universities, adopted in the research on the “Manpower Policy” or “Education and Social Mobility”, andsecondly suggested the method of the research into the university education inplace of the former method, by analyzing the careers of graduates. The basis ofour assertion is upon the premise that the social function of education is tomake an individual understand and absorb edueation rather than the direct linkagebetween academic career and occupation. We think that this postulate should beinsisted as the methodological base of sociology of education, not sociology as such.
There live two hundred and sixty million people in Southeast Asia. It isdivided into peninsulas and islands from the geographical point of view. Accordingto the various religions (Mahayanist Buddhism, Hinayana Buddhism, Islam) and the differences in historical backgrounds as colonies, Higher Education ineach country is quite different. But, in general, we can indicate some points: 1.Old suzerain's cultural influence still survives. 2.They direct great efforts to foreign language education and they are rewardedwith good fruits. 3.They are apt to attach much importance to law. 4.On the whole, Science Faculty, specially the department of technology, ispoor in its educational facilities and contents. The following universities can be named as the representatives in Southeast Asian Countries. We explain a little abut these. 1.Viet Nam-Saigon University. 2.Thailand-Chulalongkon University. Thammasart University. 3.Malaysia-University of Malaya. 4.Laos-University Sisavang Vong. 5.Indonesia-University of Indonesia. University of Padjadjaran.University of Gadja Mada. 6.Singapore-University of Singapore. Nanyang University.
After World War II, the idea of education and teaching profession changedcompletely in Japan. The old concepts were replaced by the new ones, chieflyof professionalism and unionism. The purpose of this study is to examine the attitudes toward ‘professionalism’ which the present-day teachers assumes. Our questionnaires were sent to 1, 085teachers of senior and junior schools and primary schools in three prefectures.Our aim of this questioning was to explore the three aspects which we thoughtto be the most important as the elements of the profession. They are (I) autonomy in teachers' instructional activities, (II) autonomy of the professionalorganization, and (III) professional ethics and belief. We received 736 auswersfrom the teachers. And as a whole, (I) showed the most remarkable result and (II) the least. Teachers are discreet enough to think it important to select textbooks freelyand adopt his own teaching methods, but they considerably allow for the role oftheir principals. There are few who think that the professional organizationshould participate in the decison of the criteria of the teacher's certificate. Mostteachers assume that they are performing an essential function of the society, butnot many regard the belief in public service as of importance. There is a close relation between attributes of teachers and (I) and (II). Itis the teachers lower in rank-members of Japan Teachers Union (JTU) and of itsfriendly organizations, graduates of national or municipal universities or collges, and teachers from twenty to thirty-nine years of age-who constantly demand theirprofessional autonomy; whereas it is the head teachers and those next to them inrank-members of anti-JTU associations, graduates of normal schools, and teachersover fifty years of age-who are committed to (III). On the whole, their professionalconsciousness is inferior to that of the former. And we proceed to examine the relation between the conception of professionand morality, for it functions as a standard of demmand in teaching. These analysis give the result that the morality of the teacher more attached to professionalismis lower than that of those less attached.
It is generally believed in Japan that the academic career is one of the mostimportant factors for promotion. But this belief has never been verified byempirical data of a nation-wide research. This is a report of a preliminaryreseach concerning the opportunities of prewar secondary and higher educationand the social allocation of their graduates. About two thousand questionnaireswere mailed in March, 1970, to graduates of two middle schools and two vocationalschools in Osaka; 970 of them were collected and were analysed. The resultsare as follows: 1.The occupational and educational status of the respondents' fathers arehigher than that of the average of that time. The fathers's status of thegraduates of the vocational schools is lower than that of the graduates of themiddle schools. The fathers of graduates of the imperial Universities havethe highest position. 2.The occupational status and income of the respondents at present are higherthan the average of the graduates of secondary or higher schools in Japan, andthey are also higher than those of all working male population in thiscountry. 3.Inter-generational upward occupational mobility is more frequent among thevocational school graduates than among those of the middle schools; in whichthe graduates of the imperial universities show the least mobility. 4.The suggestions obtained from these results are: A. Not all schools equally promote inter-generational mobility; neither do allschools of the highest level. B. The intermediate level schools have the most important function for the mobility because the entering opportunities are greater than those rof thehighest level. One of the purposes of the main research that follows, will be to inquireinto the function of schools in intergenerational mobility in relation to theopportunity of entrance.