Globalization can be described as the flow of goods, capital, technology, people and value across borders. It is a process which affects the socioeconomic policies, including educational policies, of different country in different ways. The purpose of this paper is to examine the concept and meaning of globalization, and to look at strategies for integrating the dimension of globalization into education, focusing in particular on the impact of the global economy and new information technology. It includes a discussion of the breakdown of Japanese economic nationalism in the 1990s, an exploration of why education is important for responding to globalization, and a description of the main problems of the marketization of education. The key to Japan's economic success in the postwar period lay in the development of the doctrine of economic nationalism, through which the social progress of workers and their families was advanced through the pursuit of the expansion and security of firms. This economic nationalism was emphasized by the system of lifelong employment, and the rapid growth of export industries in the 1975-90 period. The economic recession in the early 90s marked the breakdown of Japanese economic nationalism, and was accompanied by an increasing awareness of a global economy and innovation of information technology. A new consensus of the role of education is based on the idea that nations are able to win a competitive advantages in the world wide knowledge based economy through investment in new technology and upgrading the quality of human resources by the marketization of education. This idea, however, threatens to increase the social inequalities and undermine the foundations of social solidarity. In order to reduce these problems it is necessary to rebuild the educational and employment institution and to upgrade the quality of local labor forces and industries.
Australian sociologist M. Waters defines globalization as “a social process in which the constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding.” Also, American sociologist R. Robertson sees it as “the compression of the world.” The aim of this paper is to explore aspects of the globalization of Japanese schools, focusing on the educational experiences of the South-American Japanese children. Many South-American Japanese have come to Japan to work since the late-80s. As of 1997, over 230, 000 Brazilians, 40, 000 Peruvians and others from the South American continent were registered under the Alien Registration Law, amounting to more than 20% of all foreign residents in Japan. The Brazilians are now the biggest “newcomer” foreign population in Japan, surpassing the Chinese. This paper examines the meaning of Japanese schooling for those South-American Japanese, based on field research done in Yokohama City. A brief outline of the globalization of Japanese classrooms is presented in Section 1. In the following sections, the educational experiences of South-American Japanese children are located in three different contexts: the classroom, the community, and internationally. In Section 2, the process of their adaptation to Japanese classrooms is considered on the basis of observational data obtained in a particular primary school. In Section 3, the attitudes of their parents toward Japanese schools are examined on the basis of interview surveys. The key concept used is the “family story.” In Section 4, after briefly examining the international relationship between Brazil and Japan, the experiences of children who have returned to Brazil after several years in Japan are examined.
When the movements of studets and ideas beyond the nation state have been talked about as “internationalization” of education, it was implicitly linked to the hope of uniting different nations. With “globalization” of education, not only has its scope been extended to social and economic aspects, but also to the negative side of the unavoidable trend. In fact, many people consider globalization of education as a grave challenge, or even intrigues that creates new inequity among and within nation states. Such a radical shift of perspective is most pronounced in higher education. In this paper I first tried to clarify the context in which “globalization” of higher education is talked about from the perspective of social and economic relation between the University and the mondern nation state (Section I). Then, more concrete issues are analyzed with respect to education (Section 2) and research (Section 3) functions of the Univesity. It is argued that globalization, together with the development of Information Technology, is creating huge markets of both learning opportunities and scientific knowledge beyond the boundary of state. Even though all the nations are involved in this trend, the impacts are significantly different by nation. For Japanese higher education the difficulty appears to lie less in being involved in the trend than eploiting the opportunities offered by the trend. in this particular sense, Japan's position is increasingly entrenched in a hinterland. Departure from such position will require a considerable restructuring in organization and the value in the academics.
Globalization is an on-going process in the world, today, demonstrating both dynamics of standardization and differentiation in the spheres of politics, economy and culture. On one hand, certain values and modes of communication are universalized, and on the other there is growing advocacy of local, ethnic and other multicultural forms of identification. Globalization encourages international institutions and global/domestic networks of non-governmental organizations to expand their influence, and curtails the autonomy and sovereignty of nation states. With respect to human rights, global standards as represented by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other human rights instruments prevail over national standards. The idea of universal human rights, which honor individual dignity, increasingly limits the scope of national jurisdiction. In addition, the concept of locally-specific human rights is also advocated, particularly by some non-Western countries, and the effective coordination of universal standard of human rights and the local cultural values and concerns is becoming a significant political issue. Today, it is generally maintained that the universal standards should be properly translated according to local contexts. In the field of human rights education as well, there has been a clear shift from the conventional approach, which emphasizes specific human rights issues, to one which focuses on strategies to design and implement comprehensive human rights education. The latter approach aims to educate agents of human rights as global citizens equipped with certain knowledge, skills and attitudes. It actively incorporates various theories, methods and perspectives of global human rights education. Recently, we notice that various initiatives on human rights education, such as “Dowa education”(education related to the Buraku issue in Japan), intercultural education, development education, gender education and others have increasingly come to use the common frameworks and language of global human rights education. The next challenge is how to infuse the universal perspective of human rights education into the concrete practice of education based on specific human rights issues.
The term “Women in Development, ” in the broad sense, emerged from the theoretical base of development studies and women's studies in the early 1970s. It has been a new and rapidly growing field of social science both inside and outside the academic setting since International Women's Year in 1975. “Women in Development, ” or “WID, ” of the early era is understood to indicate the integration of women into global processes of economic, political and social growth and change. Since the 1980s, two more acronyms have emerged, “WAD”(Women and Development) and “GAD”(Gender and Development) as alternatives to the earlier WID focus. The GAD approach goes further than WID and WAD in questioning the underlying social, economic and political assumptions and articulating an alternative vision of development from a global perspective and also from the perspective of reforming gender and class structures. This paper examines the formation of “Gender and Development” in the “Women in Development” discourse, and its relation to educational development policy for women's empowerment. The first section surveys the origins of the three theories and the meaning of the “Gender and Development” approach, which demands a degree of commitment to structural change and to shifts in power relations that is unlikely to be found either in national and/or in international agencies. The second section focuses on the meaning of educational development policy, and analyses the shift of girl/women's education toward gender sensitive education. This includes an examination of why the education of girl/women was neglected during the last two decades in the field of development policy. The third section analyses the outcome of the research on gender and basic education in international development cooperation carried out by UNICEF in 1993. The findings indicate that significant advances in the treatment of gender and basic education have taken place. As a whole, however, projects seeking to serve women are found to be “undertheorized.” Finally, this paper aims to point out the need to analyze cases from micro, mezo and macro levels, and to conceptualize the empowerment approach from the educational point of view, in order to create an alternative globalization.
Sociological analyses of education have tended. to see it as functionally integrated, for better or worse, with economic, political, and social structures. Since societies around the world differ enormously in economic resources and in cultural arrangement, educational systems should vary similarly. Research showing pronounced similarities (and isomorphic changes) among diverse countries, in recent decades, in educational expansion, curricula, and structure, was thus surprising. It seems educational systems are built for imagined societies more than real ones, and imagined forms of progress are similar around the world. There is a good deal of diffusion, much of it structured around the world stratification system through various patterns of influence, domination, and modelling. Beyond these global influences, recent decades show direct globalization the formation of educational models, such as curricula, around an imagined global society. This involves the suppression of older realities, and the construction of new global ones. Curricula in many countries, thus, drop more nationally oriented approaches to culture, language, history, art, and even science. And new curricular models celebrate global human rights, ecological principles, and notions of a world of equal cultures and societies in interdependence.
This paper discusses the impact of the Internet on school education. In the first section, the paper introduces a project titled Think Quest, which promotes cooperative study by middle and high school students across national borders. This project shows us the possibility of globalized study, because it involves students who live in different countries cooperating to create a home page using e-mail. At the same time, it promotes participatory learning by students, because the students can actively participate in the process of producing learning materials. In the conventional school model, authorized agencies and school teachers have been considered the main actors who write textbooks and compile teaching materials, while the students have been considered passive receptors of what is given by the teachers. Thus, the new system indicates that a new relationship between teachers and students may be appearing with the emerging Internet. The second section discusses the creative side of home page building, using Nonaka's theory of the knowledge creation process. By creating a home page, students learn how to collect the necessary information corresponding to their intellectual curiosity, how to organize the information into systematized learning materials, and how to express the outcomes in a style which other students can easily understand. The third section indicates how the Internet has created a new value concept, named “copy left, ” which permits the free use of intellectual products. The concept of the copyright emerged together with the development of book publishing enterprises and the university system. The idea of the copyright is deeply rooted in the academic recruitment and promotion system. But with emerging Internet, the conventional idea of the copyright is being challenged by the newly emerging idea of “copy left.”
Japanese school children who have spent some time living abroad before returning to Japan, who are known as “returnees, ” often experience a feeling of uneasiness at Japanese schools. This uneasiness, in theory, may be a potential catalyst for a review of accepted school routines and behaviour, as well as for improvement in such routines and behaviour. Based on fieldwork at a special class for “returnees” at one junior-high school, this paper explores how the students' questions and criticisms regarding school uniform rules were resolved. The “returnees, ” who were accustomed to the freedom that prevails at schools outside Japan, believed that school uniforms were a sign that Japanese schools were strict. At the time of the study, the school itself was undergoing an intense debate over the use of uniforms, and there were frequent discussions among students. The “returnees” rejected arguments in favour of a school uniform based on ideas such as “commonsense” and “junior-high schoolness, ” citing a diversity of values. On the other hand, they showed signs of self-regulation, using phrases such as “the way it is here” and surmising what they thought “regular students” would naturally take for granted. They believed that as newcomers to the school, they had a responsibility to follow prevailing customs. Despite the teachers' intention to encourage independent decision-making, the “returnees” felt that adapting their behaviour to fit in was the best way of getting along with “regular students.” Although the “returnees” had been exposed to other school environments, they did not have the confidence to initiate change in their existing environment. Instead they adapted themselves to the dominant regime, enabling them to avoid conflict and engage smoothly in educational activities. At the same time, they gave up the opportunity to exercise critical thinking and argue in favour of change. The “returnees'” tendency to accept the legitimacy of local customs implies a firm internalized conformation to norms, and highlights the crucial influence of unequal power relationships between “returnees, ” “regular students” and teachers. A more active pedagogy needs to be pursued if education is to encourage critical thinking and the ability to bring about change.
This study attempts to explore, describe, and explain women students' expectations about their life courses; in particular, by focusing on both the preferences of the agents and structural factors, based on the controversy between Hakim, and Crompton and Harris. While Hakim asserts that employment patterns are determined by innate ‘preferences’, Crompton and Harris oppose her assertion and emphasize that ‘employment structures are theoutcome of both choice and constraints’. For this purpose, a cross-sectional survey on women students and their parents was conducted in a university in Japan, using self-administered postal questionnaires with questions devised about women's expectations. The conclusion of the study was that women students' life course expectations are changeable and ambivalent. This paper discusses the dilemma they face between strong occupational aspirations and the responsibilities of childrearing, important but unforeseen life events, and ambivalent messages from their parents. The strong responsibility they feel toward childrearing tends to make their life course expectations flexible, because if theyfeel they will face constraints in the future, they might tend to prioritize family careers rather than occupational ones. Therefore, as Crompton and Harris state, the life course expectations of women students reflect not only their preferences but also their future constraints. Moreover, this study clarifies the fact that women students' parents possess strong expectations, toward both occupational and family careers, for their daughters. Their values regarding gender roles are also ambivalent. It was found that these values and expectations toward their daughters affect women students' life course expectations. This work is the first stage of a projected longitudinal panel study, through which the process of women's life course formations will be explored.
Tracking takes place when students are grouped with those who are similar to themselves. This grouping is based on a ranked criterion, and therefore the groups are unequal in status. The criterion can be ability or post school plans, but students are also often divided along socioeconomic lines. Furthermore, previous research has shown that the track which students belong to seems to determine future opportunities in society. This paper uses data collected at Belgian comprehensive schools to clarify how the social background of students determines which track they enter, on the assumption that the track will define future social position. Previous research regarding tracking and social reproduction has limited its attention to either the correlation between track and social background of the students, including one or more educational transitions, or to the direct influence of social background on educational transition. In this paper, Raymond Boudon's theoretical concepts are used to demonstrate both direct and indirect influences of social background on consecutive educational transitions, starting from kindergarten. The paper demonstrates:(1) the enduring existence of the indirect influence of social background on tracking through the correlation between students' ability and social background;(2) the existence of a direct influence of social background on tracking, as the free choice of a track is determined not only by ability but also by social background;(3) the disappearance of this direct influence at the end of the secondary level; and finally (4) the cor relation between ability, tracking and the educational plans regarding whether or not to go on to college, which affects students just before graduation from high school. From this analysis it can be concluded that as students are divided into tracks along socioeconomic lines, the school and its tracking system contributes continuously to the reproduction of social stratification, assuming that tracking at the secondary level determines future social position.
The purpose of this article is to clarify differences in status among secondary school principals by examining their educational background. This article focuses on secondary school principals in 1937, using data from Taishu Shinshiroku (Popular Social Register), Shokuinroku (The List of Public Servants) and other similar sources. The purposes for studying the principals were as follows: to examine all types of educational backgrounds throughout the country; to compare the types of secondary schools to which the principals belonged and the rate of their promotion to the position of principals; and to collect data on the educational backgrounds of principals and analyze these statistically. The results of the article may be summarized as follows. Firstly, it clarified the distribution of each type of educational background. The largest proportion of principals were graduates of higher normal schools (koto shihan gakko). In particular, the proportion from normal schools (shihan gakko) exceeded 80%. The lowest proportion was for those who had not experienced any higher education at all. People with such backgrounds had extremely limited chances of promotion to the position of principal, especially in public schools. Secondly, differences in salary as influenced by educational background were examined. The salaries of graduates of imperial universities (teikoku daigaku) was the highest. Their salaries were superior to those of the graduates of higher normal schools who made up the largest share of secondary school principals. Even middle-aged principals who had graduated from imperial universities had higher salaries than older principals who had graduated from higher normal schools. Based on these findings, three topics are discussed. The first is the reason for which the percentages of graduates from higher normal. Schools among secondary school teachers increased from the Taisho (1912-1916) to Showa (1916-) era. The second is the influence of hierarchies within secondary school teaching. The last is the status of those who had not experienced higher education.
The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship in a male secondary school between the school's selection of students and students' choices of paths based on different strategies of social classes (new and old middle classes) in modern Japan, focusing on the phenomena of repeating and withdrawal. Prior studies which have examined the social function of secondary schools have failed to analyze the inner selection process of schools in relation to the social classes of students. They have examined repeating, i.e. failing to advance to the next year, and withdrawal as very individual events, without any influence from social classes, although they have examined the influence of social classes at the time of entrance and graduation from schools. The hypothesis of this paper is that there is the relationship between repeating/withdrawal and the social classes of students. The following findings are obtained (1) There are few differences among social classes regarding the repeating and withdrawal ratio;(2) Examination scores affect students' paths, through repeating and withdrawal;(3) Concerning repeating, stu dents from the new middle class are more likely to graduate from the school, and those from the old middle class to withdraw;(4) Reg arding withdrawal, students with high exam records or who are from the new middle class tend to transfer to other schools, and those who have low exam records or who are from the old middle class tend to take care of personal affairs; and (5) Among withdrawees who have high exam records, those from the new middle class are more likely to transfer to other schools than those from the old middle class. On the contrary, among withdrawees with low exam records, those from the old middle class are more likely to give up their learning in educational institutions after dropping out than those from the new middle class. From these results, the following conclusion can be drawn. Male secondary schools is basically ruled by the achievement principle. Social classes, however, have their own strategies on how to survive after the inner selection. It is possible there is a social structural influence on repeating and withdrawal among students in male secondary schools.
In the field of the sociological study of educational attainment, inequality due to socioeconomic status has long been a major theme. Many theories have been proposed to explain such inequalities: heredity, cultural deprivation, linguistic socialization, anti-school culture, and cultural capital. Most of these theories, which emerged from the West, emphasize differences in ability or preschool-family socialization depending on SES (socioeconomic status). Based on empirical analyses of the study hours of Japanese high school students, this study attempts to challenge these Western theoretical traditions by introducing a theory of inequality of effort. This study uses two survey data sets of 11th graders in 11 Japanese high schools: one was collected in 1979, and the other in 1997, using questionnaires with the same questions. Using these two data sets, the after-school study hours of students are compared between the two periods, and the influences of socioeconomic status on study hours are also examined. Cross tabulation analysis, comparing means of study hours, and regression analyses are conducted. The results of these analyses show that study hours decreased over the 18 years, that the degree of decrease differed among different SES groups, and that the effect of SES has increased over the 18 years, after controlling other variables. Based on these findings, we argue that inequality of effort contributes to the inequality of educational attainment, that the effect of SES is dependent on educational situations, such as the reduction in the pressure of “exam hell” which has been caused by a decline of young people's population and education reform, and that even in Western societies, inequality of effort may be involved in inequalities of educational attainment. We contend that the ideology of meritocracy, particularly the Japanese version of it with its strong emphasis on effort, successfully conceals a reality of unequal educational attainment by assuming an equal distribution of efforts.