This paper elucidates historical changes in the images of homoeroticism between male students in the Meiji Era and examines the factors behind this change.
During the Meiji Era, intellectuals subscribed to a morality that prohibited homosexuality. However, some male students, known as kouha (solid students), shared common values that placed a positive value on homoeroticism between male students. They loathed falling victim to womenʼs charms, and aspired to develop ideal relations between themselves and other elite male students.
In the 1900s, the number of girls attending school increased markedly, and the presence of female students increased. These women came to be seen as suitable love or marriage partners for male students. In modern Japan,the emergence of female students helped to form the ideology of romantic love and a new positive image composed of love, marriage, and family.
These changes brought about by the emergence of female students had an impact on the images of homoeroticism between male students. After the 1900s, a form of homoeroticism called “love between men” became popular among the nampa (soft students), and the kouha students lost their monopoly on homoeroticism. However, “love between men” was just a substitute for love between men and women. On the other hand,the kouha students strengthened their belief that they should avoid falling in love, as they thought it was too feminine. Therefore, they called close relations between men “friendships between men,” avoiding the use of the word “love.” In this way, homoeroticism between male students was separated into “love between men,” as an imitation, and “friendship between men.” Homoeroticism between male students was transformed into a form adapted to heterosexism.
The purpose of this paper is to grasp how science is taught in Japanese junior high schools, and to show the influences of teaching methods on academic achievement and differences between social classes, using the data of TIMSS2003.
It is found that science lessons in junior high schools are taught using four teaching methods: the experiment-investigation method, society-daily life method,homework-examination method, and hearing-practice method, as well as combinations of these methods. They are not trade-offs, but are linked to one another. In this paper, the author emphasizes the following three points regarding the influence of these four teaching methods.
Firstly, looking at two of the “Traditional Views on Academic Achievement,” the hearing-practice method tends to improve academic achievement, while the homework-examination method may degrade it. Thus, a return to the “Tradi tional Views on Academic Achievement” could potentially lead to an unintended further decline in academic achievement. Secondly, the society-daily life method, which is based on the “New Views on Academic Achievement,” may promote increased differences of academic achievement between social classes, but does not bring about a decline of academic achievement. Thirdly, an addi tional effect takes place on academic achievement when the hearing-practice method and society-daily life method are combined.
Based on these findings, the author suggests that we should not regard “New Views on Academic Achievement” and “Traditional Views on Academic Achievement” as being in binary opposition. Rather, we should discover effective teaching methods (and a combination of them) among many kinds of “new” and “traditional” teaching methods.
This study aims to identify issues of school management from a the perspectives of teachers in a credit-system high school, a new type of secondary school in Japan.
Eleven teachers in the school were asked to write, on schedule sheets, what, when, where, and with whom they did their work. Based on the written schedule sheets, interviews were conducted on how the teachers saw their own work. As a result, it was found that teachersʼ work was composed of: 1) classroom lessons, 2) school affairs, and 3) teaching art-related special subjects. The teachers shared their work with one another. There were differences in their work according to their duties. In particular, there was a large difference of workload between those who taught art-related special subjects and homeroom teachers. The details of their work changed each month, but the total time taken up by their work did not change. This suggests that each teacher played many roles in school affairs, so that they spent their time doing a multitude of work.
Teachers reported that they tended to add new work demanded by the new educational system onto their conventional work, and that they consequently felt very busy. This was the critical issue in the introduction of the new school system. There is a need to examine the organizational design which can effectively incorporate new work into conventional work after considering teachersʼ working form.
The school system continues to occupy a central position in the system of social distribution. However, the school is changing from a social screening institution, as it was in the 1970s, to a support institution. Schools now tend to support the decision-making of students based on their own academic achievements and career plans. It is difficult for schools to intervene in studentsʼ decision-making in the way they did in the 1970s. However, the relationship between studentʼs school records and their academic and career achievements has not been broken down despite the drastic change in this internal process. In this paper, the authors describe this mechanism in the school by investigating one commercial high school in the Metropolitan area.
The authors examine data from the “Student Kartes” of all students in 2002. In these documents, teachers record studentsʼ academic achievements and their process of career determing.
The authors then analyze how students move between the various channels offered by the school to make academic and career choices, and show some typical patterns.
The main conclusions are as follows. First, many students failed to attend group counseling formally provided by the school, and teachers need to give individual support to students. Second, ironically, due to the fact that academic affairs were not highly valued at the commercial high school and that academic competition was not stiff, students with a strong commitment to school tended to have better achievement than those who had a weak commitment. In that sense, the school, as a support institution, also functions as a social screening institution.
This paper examines the control system of secondary schools and teachersʼ survival strategies in the 2000s, a time known as an era of accountability, through an ethnography of a low-ranked high school in the metropolitan area.
Student guidance and maintaining school order are important tasks for Japanese teachers. The culture of administration in secondary education has changed over time. In the late 1990s, a “counseling mentality” and “internal understanding” were emphasized in student guidance rather than administering the exterior aspect of students, under the system of “kanri kyoiku”, until the 1980s. Earlier papers indicate that there was a process of “consummatorization of schooling.” How, then, is order maintained in schools in the 2000s? The main data for this paper were gathered from April 2005 to August 2006.
Participatory observation and interviews were carried out to describe the control system under which teachers avoided conflict with students. For example, teachers kept discipline indirectly by recording absence times in five-minute units. The maximum period of absence for receiving credits for the class was made known to students who were considered problematic and who tended to miss class. Some inappropriate behaviors, such as failing to wear the school uniform and eating in class, were also dealt with as absent time. In this way, teachers were able to keep their classes in order and avoid conflicts with students. Teachers often behaved gently and kindly, supporting the students under the assumption of this count system. In this paper, this behavior by teachers is called “Osewa mode,” with osewa meaning “caring” in Japanese. The teachers used this strategy to conceal their authority to set rules and to keep order in a way that avoided conflicts with students. They soothed students with gentle behavior and familiar words. They often directed studentsʼ attention to the absent time count and advised them to attend classes with a proper attitude. This strategy was transmitted to other teachers through group interactions. The school kept order through a “Control system to avoid conflict with students” and the “Osewa Mode,” which is an individual strategy based on that system. On the other hand, this system and strategy fits well into an era of accountability. Teachers often gave notification to parents of the numerical value of the absent time count. This made it easy for teachers to justify their treatment of students to their parents.
Teachersʼ culture differs by regions. Therefore, there are some limits to the usefulness of the descriptions in this paper, as they would differ in different teachersʼ cultures in rural areas. However, the metropolitan area tends to lead in the areas of accountability, loss of teachersʼ authority and “consumerization ofschooling.” Thus, the “Osewa Mode” and “Control system to avoid conflict with students” in this ethnography in the metropolitan area may show important characteristics of teachersʼ culture in the 2000s.