Recently, there has been a great deal of talk about widening social disparities in Japan. A number of books have been published declaring that Japan is now on the threshold of being transformed into a “society of disparities.” This paper discusses some of the methodological difficulties that must be taken into account when considering widening disparities between the haves and have-nots, seen from the standpoint of the sociological study of education.

Firstly, the recently published works, with their declaration that social disparities are widening, are making an assertion about an uncertain future. The same point can be made about studies that examine the actual state of the social disparities on the basis of empirical data. This means, in other words, that any discussion of the effects of various current phenomena characterizing education on future social disparities always contain an element of uncertainty.

Secondly, the extent to which social disparities are likely to grow in the future will be significantly affected by our current and future political choices. In determining, for example, the extent to which the ongoing process of globalization will transform economic and educational systems, it is utterly useless to make guesses based on simple forecasts. Rather, considering the combined effects of people’s political choices and the social influence of experts at present and in the future, it is extremely difficult to predict the direction of change.

Considering the foregoing factors, it is far from easy to carry out studies on how to reform the existing educational system and help alleviate the problems of inequalities that now beset the system, in ways that are acceptable to everybody.

This paper calls attention to two crucial points. First, researchers studying the relationship between social inequality and education cannot remain indifferent to the question of political choices or choices among competing values. In other words, they must endeavor to analyze the issues of inequalities in education and formulate, on the basis of their analyses, concrete political visions or political programs.

Another important point is that once the social disparities and their extent have been identified through academic investigations, it is necessary to call upon citizens, who have the competence to make political decisions, to decide whether they find the gaps acceptable or not. In order to make this possible, it is essential for school education to perform the function of helping children to develop the ability to make political decisions. And the question of what should be done to reinforce this function of school education needs to be studied in a sincere manner.

The measurement of children’s academic achievements and the explanation of differences between social classes should not be dismissed by sociologists of education. Although inequality is a major theme of the field, the sociology of education has lacked empirical evidence on the structure of disparities in academic achievements. This is partly due to the difficulties involved in collecting sufficient data on academic achievement through schools.

In and after 2002, studies were begun on the relationship between academic achievement and social class in Japan. At the time, schools were being heavily criticized within the context of the debate over falling children’s academic achievements. Some significant surveys were administered at that time, though they were small in number. However, they left some important issue to be solved. The first is that analyses of the determinants of academic achievement are inadequate for clarifying what factors will diminish class differences in achievement. The second concerns the reliability and validity of the variables collected. In particular, variables on the economic conditions of households are lacking. Finally, the surveys were conducted only in large cities.

This paper examines the factors that affect children’s academic achievements, and the extent of the effect of such factors, through an analysis of the data of the Japan Education Longitudinal Study 2003 (JELS2003). JELS2003 was conducted in two areas: one a middle-sized city within the capital metropolitan areas, and the other a small local city. It also contains variables about the economic conditions of households.

The major findings of the paper are as follows.

1. In the small local city, the differences of academic achievement between social classes were relatively small.

2. In the middle-sized city within the metropolitan area, children’s academic achievements were affected by the level of monthly educational expenses, level of educational expectations of the child, and income level of the family.

Inequalities in children’s academic achievements in our society should be grasped in the context of the substitution of “parentocracy” for meritocracy.

In Japan, disparities in high schools showed an increasing tendency until the end of the 1970s. Since that time, attempts have been made to analyze and reduce these disparities, both in the field of sociology of education and educational reforms.

This paper aims to re-examine the challenges in both fields and to elucidate their positive outcomes and limitations, and in addition, to point out a new perspective for future challenges in this area.

Academically, the study of disparities began with the application of the concept of “tracking.” At the beginning, many types of evils caused by disparities were problematized, and the concept of “tracking” was adopted to document the situation. The concept of “tracking” was compatible with functionalism, which was the main theoretical stream in the sociology of education at that time.

The concept of “tracking” was originally used in studies of high schools in the United States to reveal the fact that there were invisible mechanisms for the selection of students in open curriculum systems. However, in Japan, the concept was used to report the fact that there were great differences in the inner processes of schools and subjective aspects of students based on school disparities. In other words, the concept was used to point out the effects of the disparities. As a result, the study of disparities has been developed as the study of “tracking effects.”

It can be said that studies of the tracking effect could have contributed to investigations of the inner processes of schools and subjective aspects of students. But instead, they took a macro perspective from the studies of school disparities. As a result, disparities were not examined in relation to social structures.

Politically, there are two ways to reduce disparities in schools. One is to control the level of achievement of new students in order to prevent the emergence of differences among schools (input control). The other is to control educational activities in the schools to ensure that tracking effects do not take place in each school (through-put control).

Since the late 1970s, input controls have been carried out through reforms of the entrance examination system of high schools and improvements of the guidance system of junior high schools. However, these controls were too indirect to reduce school disparities. In other words, whether they could reduce the disparities or not depended on their ability to change students’ standards for school choice, which were indeed subjective.

Through-put controls have been carried out as reforms of high schools. High school reforms after the 1980s were generally seen as an attempt to weaken classifications and frames of education. Logically, it seemed that these efforts led to a limitation of tracking effects in each school and to a reduction in school disparities as a whole. However, these attempts were not effective as they lacked a grand design and were done separately for each school.

Challenges to the school disparities in both fields mentioned above seems to be homologous. They share the fact that they look at the disparities from a narrow perspective, only in relation to inner processes of each school or the subjective aspect of students. School disparities are social disparities. For example, they involve class differences among the enrolled students, and are related to regional differences. Consequently, in order to reduce school disparities, it is necessary to see them in their social context. The conclusion of this paper, by introducing recent challenges to school disparities, proposes this new perspective.

This paper examines inter/intra family differences and child-care support policies in Japan from child-rearing strategies and a gender perspective. For the theoretical consideration of mechanisms of reproduction of family differences, this paper proposes a Child-rearing Code and Gender Code based on B. Bernstein’s theory of cultural transmission. The Child-rearing Code system reveals not only inter family differences based on parental economic background, but also intra family differences based on the sexual division of labor in the family.

This paper traces Family Support Policies after World War II, and examines how these policies were gendered and privatized. Especially since the 1990s, various Child-care Support Policies have been introduced in Japan not just to support family childcare, but to raise the birth rate, and these policies sometimes functioned to reinforce a Gender Regime.

The latter part of the paper focuses on voices of parents, based on an extensive empirical investigation which was conducted in Tokyo from 2000 to 2006. The study describes the isolation of mothers with children in a gendered division of labor situation, the emotional capital in mother-child interactions, and the dilemmas of working mothers who have to divide their time between paid work and time spent with their children. It also explores the difficulties faced by fathers who want to, but cannot, care for their children, because of long working hours and business-centered social values. This paper also explains the economic difficulties faced by single mothers due to the lack of social security and wage disadvantages in the labor market in Japan.

Based on these theoretical and empirical considerations, this paper concludes that the symbolic realization of inter/intra family differences are generated by a gender code which operates with an invisible gender hierarchy.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the formation of “disparities” in the transition from school to work, and to discuss ideal methods for support.

In the early 21st century, young people were able to become full-time workers even if they had become part-time workers after leaving school. In other words, Japanese society compensated for the initial “disparity” in the transition from school to work. However, the following two points were clarified in February 2006, according to a survey carried out on 2,000 young people in Tokyo.

First, in the period from 2001 to 2006, the selection of full time worker was nearly completed at the point when young people left school.

Second, academic background is growing and social background is weakening as factors for the selection of full-time workers.

To put a brake on the expansion of “disparities,” it is necessary to secure higher education as a right, and create laws to provide equal conditions to irregular workers, and to provide support for the transition from “Freeter” (job-hopping part-time workers) to full time worker.

In Japan, like in most countries, the equality of educational opportunities is a crucial issue both in academics and in governmental policy. However, the policy of equality of educational opportunities in Japanese higher education has been weakening. The first aim of this paper is to investigate the background of the policy and to clarify the reasons for its loss of importance. With this aim, the author gives an overview of policy and research works on the equality of higher education opportunities in Japan, in comparison with those overseas.

The aim of higher educational policy and planning in post world-war II Japan was to rectify disparities in higher education opportunities between regions and social classes by increasing the supply of institutions providing higher education. However, the policy turned drastically from enlargement to suppression in 1975. The establishment of new universities and departments in the metropolitan area were strictly restricted by the Ministry of Education. This policy aimed to reduce regional inequalities in higher educational opportunities, and was largely successful in doing so. However, the policy concentrated on the regional inequalities, leading to a loss of concern on inequalities among social classes, with the exception of student financial aid programs.

Secondly, the results of the Student Life Survey by the Ministry of Education (from 2004 by the Japan Student Service Organization) are often used to demonstrate the equality of higher educational opportunities in Japan. On the contrary, however, some researchers argue that the inequality of higher educational opportunity has been increasing or at least not decreasing, using other survey data. This paper examines the equality of higher educational opportunities using new survey data from 2005. The data show large inequalities in university education opportunities, particularly in private universities. In particular, the participation rate is very low among low-income, low-achievement, female high school graduates. This shows that there are still problems of inequality.

Thirdly, this survey shows the existence of debt aversion among parents in the lowest income class and in families with mothers having the lowest education levels. It seems likely that debt aversion leads to serious problems because of the inadequacy of student aid programs, coupled with high tuition fees in Japan. The student financial aid programs of The Japan Student Service Organization, the largest public student program in Japan, gives loans, but not grants, to undergraduates. Some parents and students from lower income tiers may decide not to apply to university to avoid a debt burden. This result implies the need for grants to maintain the accessibility of higher education in the future.

Today, regional disparities in education can be seen from the following six aspects.

(1) Disparities between areas (disparities between cities or towns)

(2) Disparity inside areas (disparities between elementary school areas)

(3) Visible disparities

(4) Invisible disparities

(5) Disparities in school education

(6) Disparities in social education

Among these disparities, this paper focuses on disparities inside areas, invisible disparities, and disparities in social education. The reason is that these are the new disparities found in mergers between municipalities (a contemporary phenomenon in Japan), movements of population and the decentralization of power. In other words, under the decentralization of power, communities are called on to be economically and educationally independent from the central government, and these new disparities are related to the educational power of communities and to the power of social education connected to them.

They are also related to the urgent educational issues that must be tackled together by educational officials, people involved in schools and social education, and local residents under the decentralization of power.

The two principal directions for this task are as follows.

(1) Cooperation between schools and communities by strengthening support from educational administration to schools and communities, and strengthening cooperation involving both school education and social education.

(2) Improving the specialization of education in a broad sense. In other words, improving technical cooperation with specialists such as teachers, leaders of social education, medical personnel and welfare personnel.

These points will be crucial determinants of the success or failure of education under the decentralization of power.

In addition, the author uses data on administration in cities and towns in Shiga prefecture, which are familiar to him. Nevertheless, the manuscript consists of some guesses without actual evidence in some points; therefore it has in some sense the character of the presentation of a hypothesis.

Although Japan traditionally enjoyed a reputation for being one of the most crime-free economically advanced countries in the world, since the late 1990s its crime rates have increased and clear up rate have dropped. It now appears that the Japanese public has lost confidence in the effectiveness of the criminal justice system and is more anxious about safety. The Japanese public now believes that young offenders are becoming increasingly violent and that more and more adolescents are committing serious offenses. This view stems from a belief that there has been a breakdown in family life and that as a consequence, young people have become more amoral. In response, the Japanese government is trying to overhaul the national education curriculum, with a major focus on imposing and improving public morality.

However, a careful examination of crime statistics shows that the perception of ever-increasing youth crime is groundless. There has been no decline in the age of youngest offenders. On the contrary, the average age of young offenders has risen, partly because the job market for young people, especially those without skills and/or a high school diploma, has become tight. The delinquency rate in Japan used to peak at age of 15 and then drop sharply. Most juvenile delinquents had ceased to offend by the age of 20.

There is a large gap between what the public believes about youth offenses and the reality. The measures adopted by the government to prevent youth offenses, mainly focusing on morality, are based on a kind of stereotypical young offender. If the government continues to ignore the real problem, i. e., the shrinking job market for unskilled young people, it will create a self-fulfilling prophecy of future violent offenses by young people.

The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the use of “Comprehensive and Multi-dimensional Evaluation” as the basis for University Entrance Examinations. Though the phrase “Comprehensive and Multi-dimensional Evaluation” itself was first articulated in the 1997 report of the Central Council for Education (Chuou Kyoiku Shingikai), the concept itself came into existence immediately after the postwar period. In fact, “comprehensive evaluation” was merely an excuse for avoiding having to add the score of Japanese Scholastic Aptitude Test (Shingaku Tekisei Kensa, used from 1947 to 1954) into the total score of the University Entrance Examination. Moreover, the term “multi-dimensional evaluation” appeared in the outline of the University Entrance Examination (Daigaku Nyugakusha Senbatsu Jisshi Youkou), as it is proposed in the first report of the National Council on Educational Reform (Rinji Kyoiku Shingikai) in 1985.

In fact, the report of the Central Council for Education (Chuo Kyoiku Shingikai) in 1971 stated that “Comprehensive and Multi-dimensional Evaluation” was scientifically valid as a basis for University Entrance Examinations. The report is famous as the only report based on evidence, and is generally known as the “1971 Report” (Yonroku Toushin). In the interim report, the Central Council for Education stated that follow-up surveys by the National Institute for Education and the Educational Test Research Institute (Nouryoku Kaihatu Kenkyujyo) had proven that a “Comprehensive and Multi-dimensional Evaluation” could be a valid selection method for predicting a good Grade Point Average after entrance to university.

However, the two surveys cited contained simple statistical errors. The first, survey by the National Institute for Education, failed to control for the “Selection Effect.” A “Selection Effect” is a “restriction in range problem,” caused by cutting off the distribution at the passing grade. As a result, there is a tendency to misunderstand the fact that, in actuality, academic achievement tests on University Entrance Examinations have little relationship with Grade Point Average after entering university. To tell the truth, this problem had been pointed out as early as 1924 by Japanese psychologists who were interested in Entrance Examinations. In the second survey, by the Educational Test Research Institute, the inevitable nature of multiple correlation coefficients was ignored. As the number of independent variable increases one by one, the multiple correlation coefficient necessarily reaches the maximum of 1. In this paper, the follow-up research data from the Educational Test Research Institute is recalculated using a multiple correlation coefficient adjusted for the degrees of freedom. The conclusion is different from that reached by the Central Council for Education.

This demonstrates that there is absolutely no scientific ground for the use of “Comprehensive and Multi-dimensional Evaluation.” In other words, it is not necessarily correct that putting a lot of effort into University Entrance Examinations and using anything more than academic achievement tests as reference for University Entrance Examination will lead to more students gaining good grades after entering university. If this mismeasure of academic achievement is not properly recognized, the number of university students who cannot achieve even low basic competence level will surely increase.

The aim of this paper is to discover a route for the resolution of “differences in scholastic ability,” which are a serious problem in Japanese Education, using the idea of “Effective Schools”. “Effective Schools” are schools which have relatively small differences in scholastic ability between social groups. This report looks at the continuation of effects of schools, and studies the characteristics of “Effective Schools” in Japan.

In conventional studies on “Effective Schools” in Japan, seven characteristics are clarified: (1) Ordered child groups, (2) Mutual empowerment by students, (3) A school administration that values teamwork, (4) Connections between schools and outside organizations, (5) A positive school culture, (6) A system that encourages learning, and (7) Leadership. These were found in data from a single year, however, and were not based on data collected continuously. Therefore, surveys to date are inadequate. This report demonstrates the existence of “Effective Schools” and analyzes the characteristics of schools in one city in Hyogo Prefecture, based on continuous data.

The findings are as follows. To begin with, from an analysis of scholastic ability data, it is clear that the evaluation of “Effective Schools” is considerably affected by grade groups. In previous studies in this area, attention had not been given to the differences between grade groups, and this suggests a danger in relying on data for a single year. In addition, caution must be exercised in basing policymaking on data on scholastic ability performed in a single year.

Next, while the results of the surveys varied greatly by grade groups in most schools, there were two schools (A and B) that were continuously effective. School A was unified several years ago. The teachers are building a new school culture, involving “watching and checking inside school” and “taking learning hours.” On the other hand, School B is characterized by “good class atmosphere” and “self-direction in learning.” The two schools seem to have very different characteristics, but it can be pointed out that teachers of both are supportive in various aspects.

Comparing these with the seven characteristics of “Effective Schools” in Japan, School A is a school that has (1) Ordered child groups and (6) A system that encourages learning (in School). By contrast, School B has (2) Mutual empowerment by students and (6) A system that encourages learning (at home).

Moreover, both schools have (3) A school administration that values teamwork and (5) A positive school culture. From those analyses, it can be hypothesized that “Teacher Culture” and “School Culture” are important factors in the study of “Effective Schools.”

This paper examines the impact of social class and a variety of attitudes regarding society and education on attitudes toward educational expenditures. In Japan, the rapid rise of educational participation rates has been strongly supported by household expenditures. The scale of private funding is very large in comparison with other countries, and not only high income parents, but also low income ones, make expenditures for their children’s education. Therefore, the following question arises: what motivates Japanese people to give education to their children? Previous research on economics and the sociology of education has focused on investment and consumption. However, considering that the motives for educational expenditures are complex and are influenced by a variety of characteristics of parents, including attitudes on society and education, this paper investigates attitudes toward educational expense using data from the 2003 National Survey on Work and Daily Life. In order to identify significant patterns in many variables, decision tree analysis is used as a data mining techniques.

Following a brief introduction of decision tree analysis, the technique is applied to delineate the key features that distinguish between people who are eager to pay their children’s educational expenses and those who are not. First, the data indicate that many people believe that parents should pay for nearly all of their children’s educational costs. Second, decision tree analysis reveals that the most important factor influencing the payment of educational expenses is not the benefit of education, but rather the recognition of educational inequality in contemporary Japanese higher education. People who perceive educational opportunities as being equal are more willing to pay for their children, because they believe that there is stiff competition for educational credentials. Third, investment and consumption are important factors for people who believe there is educational inequality. As a result, the motive for making educational expenditures depends on attitudes toward society and education.

On the other hand, the group that showed most strongly negative attitude is people who believe that educational opportunities are closed by family income and that their own subjective social status is low, and that education does not play a central role for achieving high income and social status. This finding suggests that at present, educational costs are very heavy, and that if the burden of tuition fee and other educational expenses clearly brings an awareness of educational inequalities according to family income, many people will perceive education as being meaningless for them.

This paper describes, in the context of their surroundings, the process through which high school students who came from China in and after the 1970s (Chinese newcomers), rebuild their hopes for the future, which were at one point destroyed by their coming to Japan, and make career choices. Chinese newcomers originally have their own life plans, based on school education and their life experiences in China. Coming to Japan is an interruption of their plans for the future. How do they rebuild a future outlook and pursue a desired career in Japan?

It seems that, because newcomer students are at a disadvantage in terms of Japanese language, they are not able to maximize their academic ability, and tend to enter low-level high schools. How does this affect their school life and their academic career? And what kind of support do they need? This paper considers this issue, using the case of Chinese newcomers who were assisted by career counseling activities, at a lower track public commercial high school.

The following two points are made clear.

First, through their school experiences in China, the Chinese newcomers were imbued with the value that studying should come first and that grades are everything. They had an achievement-based future outlook, under which future happiness is seen to depend on good grades and a high academic background. While they wished to go on to university, they were confronted by the anti-school culture in the high school, where studying is not highly valued, and came to feel friction, conflict, and denial. Their desire to go to university declined. In other words, school life in the high school did not offer them a way to achieve what they want in the future.

Secondly, university student volunteers helped newcomer students to regain the hopes that they had lost after entering the commercial high school, and encouraged them to go on to university. Student volunteers acted as role models, embodying the pro-school culture that Chinese newcomers originally had, and encouraged them to continue to be diligent and to make efforts. Specific information on universities given by teachers is also an important source for making the career choice to go on to university.

The aim of this paper is to examine relations between Japanese and foreigners in terms of educational support in communities from the perspective of the maintenance and change of relations. The paper clarifies the relationship by analyzing the gaze and interactions between undergraduate students and the newcomer children to whom they provide educational support.

Previous research has discussed the educational problems of newcomers in the context of Japanese school culture. However, in order to focus on the relationship between Japanese and foreigners and to explain the maintenance and changing of the power of majority, it is necessary to study not only the school but also the relations in the community. In addition, some practical research focuses on educational support activities for newcomers, but is based on experiences rather than a theoretical background, and tends to find that support activities by NPOs have the potential to revolutionize the social system. However, some argue that relations between the majority and minority can be asymmetrical in the context of voluntary support. Therefore, this paper analyzes qualitative data, examining whether asymmetrical power relations between Japanese and newcomers are built or not within support activities in a community by an NPO, and how the relations are maintained or changed. The author interviewed and observed three undergraduate students participating in an NPO that provides educational supports for newcomer children.

The following findings are obtained. First, the undergraduates had asymmetrical relations with the newcomer children, as they problematized the children’s behavior. However, opportunities stemming from conflicts with the children led to the dissolution of the asymmetrical relations over “problems,” as the undergraduates asked “questions” to understand the children. Second, while asymmetrical relations were maintained over “support,” there was also a change in the relations with the children and parents. When the focus of narration is the worth of support activities rather than relations with newcomers, the categories of “Japanese who support foreigners” and “foreigners who are supported by Japanese” are fixed, and the asymmetrical relations are maintained. On the other hand, when a person has personal relationships with newcomers, and re-narrates the problems and needs of newcomers as his/her “own problems,” the asymmetrical relations change.

If Japanese supporters consider the relations between themselves to be more important than those with newcomers, they become blind to their asymmetrical relationship and conceal it under the story of “support.” This leads to a paradox of support under which relations are fixed as long as Japanese support newcomers. However, if Japanese re-narrate the needs of newcomers as their “own problems,” they can free themselves from the asymmetry and create alternative relations with newcomers

Previous research failed to sufficiently examine the power relations in support activities. Only looking at the positive side of support by NPOs, however, can blind one to the asymmetrical relations in support. Simply providing support for minorities does not free one from power relations. Research on relations between Japanese and foreigners in support activities in communities should be continued.

In recent years, as the demand for research on special education has risen, various researches have been accumulated in a wide range of areas. Studies have also been performed from a point of view of the sociology of education. However, the existence of “children with disabilities” still assumed as axiomatic, and there have been few studies examining how this is achieved in interactions. Therefore, this article investigates the forms of interaction through which a child comes to be regarded as “child with disability” through an examination of audiovisual data showing educational practices in a school for children with mental disabilities. The author’s concern about forms of interaction does not aim to formulate principles which are not in touch with the realities in special educational practices, but rather to offer an effective viewpoint about “educating children with disabilities.”

The article consists of five sections. The first section describes the contemporary situation of special education, and shows the concern of this article. The second section points out that “doing be a child with disabilities” is first created by interactions with asymmetric characteristics, and then reviews some studies which can be seen as discussing the style of behavior or forms of interaction in the category of disability. Concretely, the author surveys the arguments of “stigma” (E. Goffman), “cutting out operation” (D. Smith) and “assumption of individual reality” (K. Sakamoto). In particular, this article is heavily influenced by the formulation offered by Sakamoto.

The third section provides a concrete analysis. It deals with two scenes from a second-grade art class. When the class comes to an end, one child begins to cry, beating his face. According to the homeroom teacher, the child has autism and intellectual disabilities, and has not yet acquired language. The author examines two scenes, paying attentions to how the participants perform description practices and how teacher will be “doing teacher in school for children with mental retardation.” The analysis clarifies the following. From the analysis of scene 1, (1) the teachers assumes an “assumption of individual reality” for the child by achieving his “intention” through the description practices, (2) at the same time they achieve the reality that the child cannot acquire language, (3) they display “main teacher” or “assistant teacher” though a distribution of the rights and duties tied to their utterances. In the analysis of scene 2, (1) though child is performing self-description practices with physical techniques, the teacher approves of the description of another teacher by ignoring him indirectly, (2) while the teachers accomplish “the end of the class” collaboratively, they also achieve “doing be a teacher” and “performing a class scene.”

The fourth section discusses forms of interaction about “doing be a child with disabilities.” From knowledge in analysis, it becomes clear that teachers organize the description of others with precedence in various ways. And this article concludes in a form that achieves “the assumption of individual reality” operationally. Furthermore, “educating a child with disability” is a practice which separate the child’s inability, and joins his abilities together.

The final section describes some problems encountered in the article.

The purpose of this study is to examine how the relation between general education and the world of work was structured, and what supported it in the early Showa Era, when the relationship appeared, through an analysis of the state of vocational guidance in primary school.

Section 1 points out that the “Japanese” pattern of transition from school to work dates from the prewar period, and that earlier studies only clarified the intention and the actual situation on the part of companies or employment agencies. However, in order to grasp the entire historical process of the structuring of the system, it is necessary to elucidate the intention and the actual situation on the part of schools, and to inquire again on the issue of transition as a problem of education. The paper then explains the significance of clarifying the problem mentioned above.

Section 2 examines the opinion of the Ministry of Education on the introduction of institutions for vocational guidance, and considers the kind of problems that occured in school. It shows that setting up a special subject of vocational guidance has consistently been shelved although teachers thought the problems emerged because of the lack of such courses. In the background was an essential aporia regarding vocational guidance. The aporia was caused by the fact that the transition from school to work was not always successful even if vocational aptitude tests were complete, because it depended on the situation of the labor market.

Section 3 clarifies that two methods for giving vocational guidance in primary schools emerged. The two methods were as follows: (1) directly helping students to find jobs, (2) cultivating a “spirit of enterprise.” In addition, the paper points out that this divergence corresponded to an aporia in vocational guidance, based on “ideal” versus “reality.” These methods led to the development of the relation between general education and the world of employment in postwar times, with “continuity in system” and “discontinuity in substance.”

Section 4 discusses “Love,” which was used to support vocational guidance in school. “Love” was a magic word used to justify both methods, and to hinder any examination of the methodology of vocational guidance. The paper then argues that “Love” was the trigger for the emergence of the issue regarding transition as a problem of education.

Section 5 is a summary and discussion. It points out that the divergence of methods for giving guidance was an inevitable result considering the matter of transition as a problem of education. Moreover, it hypothesizes that the two methods of vocational guidance in school were united by the justification of the practices using the word “Love”. The word “Love” continued to be used in postwar times.

Promoting equality in opportunities for receiving higher education is one of the major goals of higher education policy. In China, regional equality has been maintained by a quota system in which the government allocates the numbers of university entrants to each of the Regions (Sho). Through the expansion of higher education, however, disparities in the levels of participation among Regions have expanded in recent years, reflecting the differences in levels of economic development. How has regional inequality grown, and why did the quota system fail to prevent it? By analyzing the changes between 1992 and 2001, this paper attempts to answer these questions.

In the first section, it is shown by analyses of macro data that there were fairly large differences by Region in the participation rate in 1992. Moreover, the expansion of higher education in the 1990s brought about significant increases in the regional gaps.

The second section examines how the present quota system functioned during the course of expansion. It is found that the expansion of universities under the control of Regional governments has been instrumental in increasing the supply of higher education in the economically advanced Regions. Moreover, the national universities, which tend to be located in urban areas, increased the number of entrants from their own Regions. These factors collaborated to the increase in the regional growth disparities.

From these observations, it is concluded that the existing quota system is unable to rectify the pressure of both the demand for, and supply of, opportunities for higher education that reflect differences in the level of economic development.

In the period from 1975 to 2004, Japan accepted more than 152,000 new immigrant children under the age of 14 years, but there are no surveys or censuses on their academic achievements.

This paper examines how “age or grade at the time of immigration” affected the academic achievements of 147 Chinese children who lived in a school district in Osaka as junior high school students.

Using cross tabulation, the author finds that the percentage of high-school enrolment in the 1.5 generation (i. e. those who came to Japan as elementary schoolchildren) was much higher than that of the 1.25 generation (i. e. those who came to Japan as junior high school students) and even higher than that of 1.75 generation (i. e. those who came to Japan before the age of 6).

In another cross tabulation, the author finds that high school students whose father was not a peasant in China were more likely to receive higher education than other high school students.

The author then analyzes the determinants of years of education employing regressive analysis and finds that “Grade at the time of immigration” and “father’s job in China” both have a consistent effect on years of education, such that years of education was highest when the child came to Japan as a third or fourth grader in elementary school.

It is surprising to see that many members of the 1.75 and 2.0 generation quit school before entering high school. This indicates that the Chinese community (including their parents) are losing control over these children, who no longer speak fluent Chinese at home and school.

As soon as the 1990s began, Japan experienced a large flow of immigrant, which lasted throughout the decade, and now most of the newcomer immigrant children in junior high school are members of the 1.75 generation, and soon will be replaced by the 2.0 generation. This paper, focusing on the difficulties faced by 1.75 or 2.0 generation immigrant children in surviving in school beyond the junior high level, acts as a warning that there will be many dropouts among Japanese monolingual immigrant children in the near future if no support or control is provided.