SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY
Online ISSN : 2423-9283
Print ISSN : 0038-0113
ISSN-L : 0038-0113
Volume 33, Issue 5
Displaying 1-7 of 7 articles from this issue
  • MANABU NAKAGAWA
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 441-460,544
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    Chu Wen 朱温, the founder of the Later Liang 後〓 Dynasty, appointed Lu Kuang-ch'ou 盧光稠 to military governor of a southern garrison, but Lu was a nominal head of the social group substantially led by a native poweful leader T'an Ch'uau-po 譚全播. Native families of Ch'ien chou 虔州 wanted at first to be presided by T'an, but he gave his hearty recommendation to Lu. The reason why T'an recommended Lu was, according to Wu-tai Shih-chi 五代史記, that Lu was a man of commanding presence and of strong facial features in spite of lacking any special ability. The Lu family is one of Hakkas in the mountain areas of southern China and we have three kinds of this family's genealogical books, which insist, in unison, that the Hakka family Lu came from the illustrious Lu clan of Fan-yang 范陽 during the northern dynasties. Therefore, it seems to be the real reason why T'an of low birth recommended Lu that this Lu family was an e-lite coming of the good clan. T'an Ch'uan-po was one of the native powerful families of Ch'ien chou, but, being of low birth, could not exercise wide influence with people beyond his native palce, so he tried to turn the Hakka Lu's social reputation as a descendant of the illustrious Lu clan of Fan-yang to his political advantage. On the other hand, the state power of the Later Liang Dynasty could not avoid using the social powers of the local influential families such as T'an, headed by the illustrious Hakka Lu, in such way as to make them participate in local government.
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  • YOSHINOBU YOSHIOKA
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 461-484,544-54
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    The 'Huang-he' River in the Sung Period was broken at 'Shang-hu-sao' in 'Chan-zhou', A.D. 1048, and the River that had flowed to the eastward before, turned its direction to the north from that time and offered a great trouble to the Chinese lived in districts near the River. An adventurous trial of construction to turn the flow to the old direction at 'Liu-ta-he' in 'Chan-zhou', failed A.D. 1056. The failure, however, induced the Sung Dynasty to establish 'Du-shui-jian' A.D. 1058. The Sung Dynasty set up 'San-si-he-qu-si' A.D. 1051. so as to defend overflows of the 'Huang-he'. And the abovementioned 'Du-shui-jian' followed the system of 'San-si-he-qu-si' and separated from it as an independent department. The governmental establishment of 'Du-shui-jian' attained to the highest development A.D. 1070-1094; and the 'Wai-jian' Department was completed, especially in A.D. 1080 (that is, in the 'Yuan-feng' Era), when 'Wang An-shi' and his party strongly supported that governmental establishment. 'Du-shui-jian' was their main and important policy. Regarding the government system of 'Du-shui-jian', it was made up of the following posts: one 'Pan-Du-shui-jian, one 'Tong-pan Du-shui-jian', two 'Du-shui-jian-zhe,' and one 'Zhu-bu.' Thereformation of governmental system in 'Yuan-feng' brought 'Du-shui-shi-zhe' in place of the former 'Pan Du-shui-jian.' 'Wai-jian' had been set up from the first at 'Chan-zhou,' but it was divided into the south and the north 'Wai-Du-shui-jian' at that time, and under their superintendences eight Du-da-si' and seventy or eighty 'Guan-sao-an-shi' were placed. We moreover will find 'Gou-dang-gong-shi' and 'Du-da-ti-juan'. When salaries and others of those bureaucracies that concern 'Du-shui-jian' were analyzed, we find that they were rather in low positions, and arbitrary and despotic in their governing authority, the results being but to weaken the faculty of the river improvement of the 'Huang-he.'
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  • AKIRA MORITA
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 485-505,543-54
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    The Chiang-Nan districts have developed since Sung Period as the primary economic foundation in Chine, and their development has been main tained through the utilization of the special geographical features called yu-t'ien and wei-t'ien, etc. The irrigation work in the yu-t'ien regions may be classified into the three operations: (1) the repair of yu-an (2) the dredging of water courses (3) the drainage of yu-t'ien. It may also be added, after these considerations, that the three operations, different as they are from each otheir forms, have been carried on by the cooperation among the regions surrounded by many creeks. There exists in the irrigation work a strong joint labor organization on the basis of the regional union, and this very joint labor organization has constituted a very important factor in the uniting of the communities gathering round yu.
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  • YUKIO TAKEDA
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 506-527,542-54
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    Under the reign of Koryo Dynasty, Jonsaka (田柴科) and Kongum-jonsaka (功蔭田柴科) were the two mainstays of its land system. These were the land grant systems both for cultivation and for firewood gathering, and the latter was granted only to the Upper Ryanban (両班) (bureaucrat), whose decendants were to succeed it, while the former was to much wider classes as Ryanban, soldiers and pettyofficials. It has been a long-standing problem among acholars to clarify the actual state and the character of these systems. In this article, the present author tries to analyze this problem from his own viewpoint, through examining the actual situation of Kubunjon and Yongyob-jon and also their mutual relation. Yongyob-jon in the Early Koryo Period was limited to those classes as Ryanban, soldiers and pettyofficials and was inherited by their decendants according to the special law of succession, called Jonjong-ryonrib (田丁連立). This Yongyob-jon System had more than a close relation with Jonsaka or Kongum-jonsaka System, or it was, in author's opinion, but another name for them. To the latter part of Koryo Period, this Yongyob-jon System had died out. In the Early Koryo Period, the grant of Kubun-jon was restricted to a specified woman or aged one and was to return to State at one's death. Kubun-jon did not represent Jonsaka or Kongum-jonsaka itself, but had a complememtary relation ot it. Judging from this mutually complementary function, it is very natural that the death of Kubun-jon coincided with that of Yongyob-jon. Though there still existed Kubun-jon in Later Koryo Period, its character was entirely different from that of tha earlier. On reading the historical records of Koryo Dynasty, one would find the classification of land, called Kubun-jon or Yongyob-jon throughout this period, originated from the land system in Chine. In the earlier period, those two had a very close relation to each other and their actual ststem were far from Jun-tian System (均田制) in China. In the systems of Kubun-jon and Yongyob-jon themselves, one may point out a remarkable change between the Earlier and the Later Koryo Periods. This fact also suggests that Koryo Period saw an entire change in its land system.
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  • SHOZO FUJII
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 528-532
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
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  • HATSU MURAKAMI
    Article type: Article
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 532-535
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
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  • Article type: Bibliography
    1967 Volume 33 Issue 5 Pages 541-544
    Published: December 15, 1967
    Released on J-STAGE: August 03, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
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