The purpose of this paper is to investigate the employment conditions of white-collar employees in the Meiji period with special reference to large cotton spinning companies. The first half of the paper looks at the formation of the management hierarchy in the Kanegafuchi, Ohsaka and Mie Cotton Spinning Companies, and demonstrates the leading role of univirsity graduates in the making of a management organization which would prepare the way for multiple unit firms. In the second half of the paper the focus shifts to the employment conditions of the management hierarchy, with reference to the actual terms of employment, to promotion opportunities, and to salaries and bonuses. Using the records of a number of companies, in particular the Ohsaka and Amagasaki Cotton Spinning Companies, the following points were discovered: (1) Even if there was no actual life-time employment, from the start the majority of white-collar employees of these large companies enjoyed long term employment. There was no institutionalized discrimination in employment between managerial staff (shain) and daily-wage employees (koin). Furthermore, it was possible for the upper stratum of blue-collar workers to be promoted to technician status (gishu) after long service. (2) Salary rises were regular, but differed in amount from employee over a range of from five sen to five yen. These companies had operated a bonus system from the start, the amount received depending upon one's position in the company and amounting to roughly more than six times one's monthly salary for someone with ten years' service. The bonus thus represented an important part of the yearly income. In sum, it is safe to say that many of the characteristics of the 'Japanese employment system', which has been the subject of so much discussion recently, were present even during the formative period of the large cotton spinning companies.

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A. The aim of the thesis and the analyzed objects The aim of the thesis is to make clear the changing process of the employed labor-the indentured servants and the day laborers-in a dry field farming village of the Kanto district, depending on the existing resuts of researches. And to make examinations of substantial changes of those employee's conditions by analyzing their legal positions, wages and clothes, the way of receiving them, days off, the relations between the employer and the employees, their work to do, and so forth. The primary materials are "Hokonin Ukejo" or servant surety certificates, and "Hokonin Shoji Hikaecho" or memorandums of various matters about servants. Those who are analyzed are the men and women employed by the Saito family at Hirayamamura, Irumagun, Musashinokuni (now, Saitama Prefecture). B. The formation of the thesis 1. Preface 2. The village structure of Hirayamamura and the Saito family (1) Hirayamamura and the Saito family (2) The Saito's farm management quality and employed labor 3. The changes of existence form of the indentured servants (1) The changes of apprenticeship form seen in "Hokonin Ukejo" (2) The changes of apprenticeship form seen from the wages, the provided clothes and the days off 4. The changes of existence form of day laborers 5. Conclusion C. The results and the remaining problems In Kanto dry field farming districts, where Hirayamamura was located, the time from "Tenmei" to "Kansei" was an epock-making period in social economy, when the existence form of employed labor changed greatly. In the case of the indentured servants, a lot of vestiget of their subodination under debts until "Horeki" are found. However, after "Kansei" they gained the physical and economic freedom as paid servants, based on the contract of employment and gradually raised tbeir positions as wage earners. Those changes appeared first in the case of the men servants and then of the women, though quite slowly. But the substantial differences between the men and the women became larger and larger. In the case of the day laborers, we can see from the start the employment from in which they had a higher position as wage earners and the trend did not change in "Kasei", when women day laborers increased. But their debt-owing relations to the employer before the contract of employment are confirmed, which after "Kansei" played parts in building up and fixing the landlord-tenant farmer relationship. The changes of employed labor in Kanto dry field farming villages were not simply and directly from indentured servants to day laborers and further to the modern employment relation. After this it will be necessary to see the changes in employed labor from "Kinsei" to the modern era, including examinations of employed labor and the landlord-tenant farmer system of that period.

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Der Reserverittmeister der franzosischen Armee, Graf Paul de Pourtales, war ein franzosischer Adeliger in Paris. Vor dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs erbte er die etwa 2,200 ha groBe Herrschaft Glumbowitz in der preuBischen Provinz Schlesien. Diese Herrschaft war ein FamilienfideikommiB. Also kann man sagen, daB Graf Paul de Pourtales ein franzosischer Staatsangehoriger war, der ein deutsches FideikommiB besaB. Am 12. Marz 1918 ordnete der damalige Reichskanzler Graf Georg von Hertling die Liquidation der im Besitz des Grafen Paul de Pourtales befindlichen Herrschaft Glumbowitz an. Und zwar auf Grund eines Bekanntmachung vom 14. Marz v.J., die besagte, daB franzosische Unternehmungen zu liquidieren seien. Infolgedessen ging der Besitz dieser FideikommiB-Herrschaft auf den deutschen Staatsangehorigen, den Kaiserlichen Botschafter z.D., Grafen Friedrich von Pourtales, uber. Die Kosten, welche Graf Friedrich fur den Erwerb der Herrschaft zu tragen hatte, betrngen ungefahr 1,900,000 Mark. Dieser Betrag enthielt den Ubernahmepreis von Kriegsanleihen im Werte von etwa 1,300,000 Mark. Dabei spielte ,,die Graf James von Pourtales'sche Stiftung zur Forderung der inneren Kolonisation in Breslau" eine gewisse Vermittlerrolle zwischen dem staatlichen Liquidator (Verkaufer) und dem Grafen Friedrich von Pourtales (Kaufer). Graf James war der deutsche Vetter des Grafen Paul. Uber solch eine FideikommiBfrage ware wohl das Folgende zu sagen: die Liquidation der Herrschaft Glumbowitz nach der Anordnung vom 12 Marz 1918 bedeutete nichts anderes, als daB dem Grafen Paul de Pourtales sein FideikommiBbesitzrecht in Deutschland entzogen wurde. Soweit es sich um diesen Punkt handelt, spielte die Bekanntmachung bezuglich der Liquidation franzosicher Unternehmungen (s. o.) tatsachlich eine Art Landenteignungsgesetz. Andererseits wurde aber ,,die Graf James von Pourtales'sche Stiftung" bevorzugt, um die innere Kolonisation in Schlesien zu fordern. Damit beabsichtigte die deutsche Regierung, zur Grundung einigen Siedlungsgelandes, wie zum Beispiel sogenannter Kriegerheimstatten, auch die fur GroBbetriebe ungeeigneten Teile der Herrschaft zu verwerten. AuBerdem durfen wir die historische Bedeutung der Ausgabe von Kriegsanleihen nicht ubersehen. Die deutsche Regierung erwarb eine groBe Summe fur ihre imperialistischen Kriegskosten, indem sie die Kriegsanleihe ausgab und durch den Grafen Friedrich von Pourtales diese Anleihe ubernehmen lieB. Das deutsche FideikommiB (das Pourtales'sche FideikommiB), welches am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs aus dem Besitz des feindlichen Frankreich zuruckgenommen wurde, hatte fur den deutschen Imperialismus recht eigentlich eine praktische Bedeutung als Mittel der Kapitalbeschaffung des eigentlichen Kriegsziels.

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The traditional interpretation of the Irish history in the nineteenth century has been revised since 1960s. The 'Famine (1845-48) water-shed theory' has been challenged from many view-points. Among these challenges there are three major points, that is, (1) the change in agricultural production from tillage to pasture was in process before the 'Famine'. (2) Landlords began to change their estates management policy as early as 1820s. (3) Critical points for the stability of rural society did not lie in the relationship between landlord and farmer, but between farmer and labourer. All these points suggest that the process of the changes in Irish agriculture began before the 'Famine'. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the process of the changes by investigating the structure of the agriculture in Province of Leinster, where commercialized farming had well developed, and the condition of labourers. There existed three different groups of farmers in Leinster. Large farmers occupied the richest land under comparatively favorable and strong tenure. Owing to the favorable terms, they fed and fattened cattle in extensive manner. Middle class farmers engaged in mixed-farming. In terms of tenure and fertility of land the basis of this group was less favorable than that of large farmers. So, this group consentrated on the intensive (tillage) farming. There also existed large number of small farmers. Since they could not manage their living by farming only, they often worked as labourer. This group was regarded as the tipical farmer of Ireland. In Leinster, however, it was a subordinate group in terms of livestock economy. It was mixed-farming that 'post-war depression' hit hardest. As the price of cereals fell and the landlord's intention to consolidate farms became stronger, middle class farmers forced to decide whether they continue tillage or shift to pasture. Although the population pressure delayed the shift, there was no alternative for middle class farmers but to shift to pasture farming. As a result of this shift, agricultural labourers lost not only the opportunities of employment but also 'conacre' land, that is, additional land for potato cultivation. Since labourers depended on 'conacre' land ddeply, this change caused aggravation of the relationship between farmer and labourer. But social disturbances in pre-Famine Ireland was to be settled by the 'Famine', and then the live-stock economy extended over the island.

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