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Volume 39 (1973)
- Issue 6 Pages 589-
- Issue 5 Pages 463-
- Issue 4 Pages 345-
- Issue 3 Pages 241-
- Issue 2 Pages 121-
- Issue 1 Pages 1-
Volume 39, Issue 4
Displaying 1-10 of 10 articles from this issue
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HIROSHI YOSHIDAArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 345-374,462-46
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThis article alms at reconsidering Robert Loder's Farming in English agricultural history from the viewpoint of formation of capitalistic farming Robert Loder kept farm accounts from 1610 to 1620. Although his accounts were not kept on double-entry basis, the form of entry in his accounts was obviously simplified in some extent, compared with an early form in which fully detailed expression was given of the complete transaction concerned. His accounts involve a fairly detailed inventory, and distinguish his farm records from his household ones. We can find germinating form of "capital" in his accounts. The Loder family started its first step as a tenant and rose in the social scale. Robert's father, John, died as a yeoman and his grandson, John, became a gentleman. His farm was situated in the parish of Harwell, Berkshire, where two-field systems survived much later. He inherited his farm in 1610-11. He put forth his farm to halves till 1611. In 1611, he began to grow crops and keep animals on his farm. His main concern was obuiously put on growing crops rather than cattle breeding. About corn growing, he grew wheat and barley as cash crops, and beans and peas to feed cattle. He grew more barley than wheat every year prior to 1617. After 1617, he began to grow more wheat and less barley, taking into consideration that market price of wheat is higher than that of barley. The high yield of wheat in his farm resulted from two causes: more dunging and oftener ploughing. There is not much information about cattle breeding, but we can find a few records about sheep, cows, and horses to do the work. He sold his farm produce both at home and in the market. He employed maids, a carter, a boy, shepherds, and other labourers such as ploughing, harrowing, harvesting, mowing and making hay. To get more profit, he made much efforts and various improvements. For example, he kept farm accounts; he made some part of meadows into water-meadows in order to feed more cattle all the year round; he ploughed his farm oftener in order to harvest more crops; he always watched closely the fluctuating market price of farm produce; and he tried to find the best way to employ labourers. According to his calculation, he got his annual profit, ranging from £180 to £290. In conclusion. Robert Loder was a yeoman farmer in early seventeenth century.View full abstractDownload PDF (2184K) -
YOSHIRO KAMITAKEArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 375-394,461
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSJoseph Chamberlain, who chiefly represented the interests of 'entrepreneurs' of the midlands, launched in May 1903 his political campaign for the policy of Imperial Preference and protective tariffs. From then on, the 'Fiscal Controversy' about 'Free Trade or Protection?' became prevailing all over the country. The City Bankers, who stood at the top of 'capitalists' or moneyed interest, formed an opinion of the Chamberlain's ideas through the discussions in the Institute of Bankers. At the meeting there in December 1903, Sir Felix Schuster most clearly explained their standpoint. He emphasized the necessity of advancing the 'unrestricted trade' regardless of the unfavourable situation of British industries resulting from foreign competition, and expressed his intention of keeping up the trade system adequate far the exports of capital which was closely related to the interest of 1VIerchant Bankers. His opinion, which Luke Hansard (Martin's Bank) termed 'status quo', was approved of by most of the City Bankers. In 1906 general election Chamberlain's Tariff Reform programmer was not supported and the powers of moneyed interest grew in British Parliament, that is, the ' status quo ' policy, instead of Tariff Reform, won the national.support.View full abstractDownload PDF (1712K) -
SHIN-ICHI TANAKAArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 395-421,461-46
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS -
TETUSO YAMADAArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 422-440,459
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSMit dieser Arbeit soll der Versuch unternommen werden, durch die Analyse der Geschichte der Eisenbahnpolitik von der Zeit des Anfangs der industriellen Revolution bis zur Zeit der Bildung des Deutscher Reichs die Rolle des Staates im Prozess der Industrialisierung Deutschlands zu erklaren. Die Geschichte der preussischen Eisenbahnpolitik begann mit dem Gesetz uber die Eisenbahnunternehmungen von 1838. Der Prozess bis zur Durchfuhrung der Verstaatlichung war besonders lang: Das Privatbahnsystem (1838-48); Das gemischte System (1849-59); Der Umschwung zugunsten des Privatbahnsystems (1859-72); Die Verstaatlichungsperiode (1879-) usw. Die Geschichte der preussischen Eisenbahnpolitik hat mit dem Privatsystem begonnen. In dieser Periode waren private Kapitalien noch selten und der staat hat zur Forderung der Kapitalien unter beschranktem Finanzvermogen Massnahmen getroffen. Nachdem v.d.Heydt den ins Stocken geratenen Bau der Ostbahn auf Staats-kosten wieder in Gang gebracht hatte, sind die Verstaatlichungsplane in den Vordergrund getreten. Dabei waren in der Periode des gemischen Systems die Privatbahnen noch nicht vollkommen ausgeschlossen. Mit dem Aufkom-men der deutschen Freihandelspartei sind zwar die Verstaatlichungsplanne vorubergehend zuruckgegangen, aber nach der Krise von 1873 ist der Staats-bahngedanke wieder aufgetreten. Mit dieser Analyse habe ich die folgenden Hypothesen aufgestellt. (l) Man Kann im Grunde der betrefenden Politik eine Orientierungslinie von der Verstaatlichung der Eisenbahnen finden, es sei denn, 1857-66, "a period of the Manchester School in the history of the railway development in Germany" (Jagtiani). Dabei handelt es sich um die Gewerbeforderung des Staates in der Industrialisierung Deutschlands. (2) Mit den Krisen standen die Umschwunge der Eisenbahnpolitik eng in Bezielung und die GroBe der Amplitude der Politik hing daher vom Einfluss der Krisen auf die Bisenbahnen ab. Vor allem nach der Krise von 1873 ist die Wirtschaftsentwicklung auf der privaten Initiative gescheitert und die Linie der Verstaatlichung hat ihren Niederschlag in der betreffenden Politik gefunden.View full abstractDownload PDF (1550K) -
Chikashi SumaArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 441-443
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (365K) -
Hidiki KajimuraArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 443-446
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (431K) -
On IkedaArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 446-449
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (498K) -
Hiroyuki SatoArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 449-451
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (359K) -
Masayoshi TanakaArticle type: Article
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 451-454
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (524K) -
Article type: Bibliography
1974 Volume 39 Issue 4 Pages 459-462
Published: January 25, 1974
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (214K)
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