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Volume 44 (1978)
- Issue 6 Pages 531-
- Issue 5 Pages 427-
- Issue 4 Pages 315-
- Issue 3 Pages 203-
- Issue 2 Pages 105-
- Issue 1 Pages 1-
Volume 44, Issue 2
Displaying 1-8 of 8 articles from this issue
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KANOSA ARAIArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 105-129,202-20
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSOn the eve of the agricultural 'improvement' in Scotland, some of the features such as the inclusion of a faugh break on the infield or the restricted cropping of an outfield now valued as much for its grass as for its arable, would suggest a farming system with a capacity for change and adjustment greater than has hitherto been realised. This article tries to make clear the facts of the development of improvement in the Lothians at the period of 1790-95. In the Lothians, at this stage, the run-ring system was almost abolished, the lands were divided and enclosed, large compact farms were formed, and new type of farming was generally adopted. But old farming practices were not completely removed and there remained lands which were not yet enclosed. In most parishes where the new farming was adopted, it is reported that old type of farming was generally in practice still a few years before. The social relation between heritors and tenants was gradually reformed. Small farms were consolidated into large ones. Leases were granted in common; conditions of lease were strictly stated in covenant; tenant :rights became greatly securer than before, and long leases prevailed. Though the rent became payable in money, the rent in kind still persisted in far wider districts, and even the labour services were not yet completely commuted. The worst of all was thirlage, one of the survivals of feudal custom. At this stage we can see some of the capitalist farmers leasing large farms. They got a brofuse measure of enterprizing spirit and zeal for improvement, and lived in a degree of affluence, unknown to their humbler predecessors. The consolidation of farms has often been stated as a direct cause of depopulation; but the fact seems very disputable. Some of the agricultural reporters described that in many instances population was known to have increased, when a great farmer succeeded to a number of small ones. We can find some instances, however, even in the parishes not so far from the capital at this date, which denote the rural depopulation by the destruction of cottages, a foreboding, though of a less dramatic kind, of the notorious Highland Clearance.View full abstractDownload PDF (2187K) -
TATSUO ARIMAArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 130-156,201-20
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the structural change of foreign markets for Russian iron in 1760-1860 in relation to the British industrial revolution and the formation of capitalistic world. The Russian iron industry based on abundant natural resources and forced labour of serfs rose to its prosperity in the second half of the eighteenth century. Russian iron exports expanded remarkably reaching 3.5 million poods in the 1780s. The largest foreign market was Britain, to which four fifths of the total exports was delivered. No countries other than Sweden and Russia were of any real importance in iron supply to Britain. Simultaneously with the beginning of the industrial revolution in the 1760s Britain increased iron imports conspicuously, which amounted to 160 percent of her domestic output in the 1770s. It should be noted, however, that the increase took place without any real Swedish participation. Russia decisively surpassed Sweden in the share of British iron market and enlarged her iron markets also in other advanced countries of the West toward the close of the century. This situation supremely favourable to Russia underwent a drastic change in the 1810s when British iron industry accomplished fuel conversion from wooden to mineral both in smelting and refining processes and remarkably raised its productive force. Britain competed with Russia successfully not only in domestic market but also in France, Germany, the United States and other countries. Britain, the largest iron-import country in the eighteenth century, now turned into the largest iron-export country. She sent off an enormous amount of her bar iron, pig iron and other iron products and flooded the markets with them throughout the world. Their total amount rose to almost 1.5 million tons in the 1850s, more than the pig-iron output of France and Germany put together. From the turn of the century onwards iron exports of Russia fell into decisive decline. Her iron industry was tremendously stagnant throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. The industrial revolution usually starts in the department of consumer's goods production such as in the textile and more specifically in the cotton industry. Thereby, in the due course of time, induced is the development of the department of producer's goods production such was iron, coal and machinery industries. It was because of this time lag of the latter department that Britain and other advanced countries of the West inevitably resorted to the imports of Russian iron at the first phase of their industrial revolution. It therefore could not be denied that Russian iron industry based on the serfdom had some relation with the origination of the industrial revolution in Britain and the capitalistic world which she induced.View full abstractDownload PDF (2424K) -
MASAO KASAHARAArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 157-177,200-19
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIt was in the 17th century when the Nanki Tokugawas (or the Tokugawas in Wakayama) reigned over Wakayama Han that ura came to be generally used as the name of an offlcial administrative division, distinguished from mura. This paper aims to make clear how ura came to be used as an official name of an administrative division in Wakayama Han of the Nanki Tokugawas. In the 17th century the markets for fish catch became well-organized with the formation of the castle towns, and fish fertilizer became to be in great demand in agricultural areas. Consequently, income from the: produce by fishery began to increase in the villages along the coastline in Wakayama. The han government of Wakayama began to reform and establish a tax-collection system by arranging various kinds of institutions which could cope with the changing realities of the villages along the coastline in Wakayama Han. That was the background of why ura became distinguished from mura. Fishing villages in Wakayama Han were burdened with kakomai, a kind of tax, and this system of kakomai came to be institutionalized over the whole area of the han. This kakomai system can be thought to have played the role of the ground to discriminate ura from mura. The original form of kakomai in the Middle Ages was kako-yaku which was imposed in a form of compulsory labor, not of paying rice as tax, but in the 17th century it began to take the form of paying rice as tax. In Wakayama this change began in the period of the Asanos' reign, and the Nanki Tokugawas institutionalized it late in the 17th century after many reforms. In addition, this paper introduces the whole content of Kataura Yori Nishikura Made Kakomai Kiwame Cho (Aug. 18 in the sixteenth year of Keicho, 1611), whose. complete content has been quite unknown, though it has been very frequently quoted in preceding studies in the history of Wakayama Han.View full abstractDownload PDF (1844K) -
Terusuke HirakiArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 178-186
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (833K) -
Makoto TeraoArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 187-190
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (532K) -
Yoshinobu ShibaArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 190-193
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (592K) -
Kooji AokiArticle type: Article
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 193-196
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (536K) -
Article type: Bibliography
1978 Volume 44 Issue 2 Pages 199-202
Published: July 25, 1978
Released on J-STAGE: November 24, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (191K)
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