All issues
Volume 43 (1977)
- Issue 6 Pages 547-
- Issue 5 Pages 451-
- Issue 4 Pages 331-
- Issue 3 Pages 227-
- Issue 2 Pages 109-
- Issue 1 Pages 1-
Volume 43, Issue 3
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
- |<
- <
- 1
- >
- >|
-
SHIZUO SOGABEArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 227-252,330
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIt is said that the system of Chingt'ien 井田法, one of the Chinese land law, was generally implemented in the ancient China. This land law was originated from the principle advocated by confucianism. Since the era of Wu-ti in the Han Dynasty, confucianism had been dominant in China; and most of the Chinese legislation stemmed from the principles of confucianism. The ancient Chinese land law also followed this system of Chingt'ien. The system of Chunt'ien 均田法 was one of those system based on the system of Chingt'ien. The system of Chunt'ien was introduced to Japan and it has been called the system of Handenshuuju 班田収受. But the system of Handenshuuju in Japan was applied to rice paddy alone, while the Chinese system of Chunt'ien was applied not only to paddy fields but also to dry farms. This difference resulted from the way the Japanese officials in those days interpreted the Chinese character " t'ien"田. They thought it meant rice paddy paddy alone though, originally in China, it meant farmland either wet or dry. Moreover it was natural that Handenshuuju was applied just to rice paddy alone, because the staple food for the Japanese was rice. As time went by, however, Handenshuuju came to be applied to the fields of barley, buckwheat, and millet because of a lack of rice.View full abstractDownload PDF (2338K) -
JUN-ICHI UMETSUArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 253-272,330-32
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThis paper deals with economic aspects of Puritan life using Puritan practical tracts ("Cases of Conscience," etc.) as its main point of reference. The paper aims to demonstrate the Puritan origins of modern modes of production and exchange. First, as Richard Baxter's A Christian Director)'(1673) shows, Puritans strived to lead a systematic life. Life was understood as a calling from God; thus Puritans involved themselves totally in their particular businesses. In economic terms, Puritans were "independent producers." As one's calling was thought necessarily to be useful to others, a particular social divison of labor developed, often expressed in terms of "clockwork." Each trade, moreover, required "diligence" and "prudence,"and thus these "independent producers" gradually acquired features of modern capitalism in terms of "efficiency" and "rationality." Secondly; as concerns exchange, Puritans devised an "equal contract" which aimed to bring about equal gain realized by equal bargaining-in effect, free competition in d market. They rejected monopolistic forms of exchange and regarded a competetive "common estimate" as the basis of "market price,"accepting "public rating" in non-competetive items such as foodstuffs. Thus; because of (not inspite of) its religious orientation, Puritans were a rising petit-bourgeoise, gradually developing a modarn market economy in the midst of the traditional.View full abstractDownload PDF (1845K) -
TSUYOSHI HARAArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 273-294,329-32
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSBy the turn of this century the idea of family wage-the assumption that a man's wage should provide for all the family-had been established in England. This article attempts to trace its formation in England during the nineteenth century primarily in the light of changing attitudes toward women's, especially married women's, labour. For various reasons and at different periods after the Industrial Revolution many of the English wives ceased to engage themselves in productive activities at home. Earlier it was taken for granted that the wives of the working people should earn something to contribute to their family budgets, which meant that a man's wage did not need to be so much as to keep their wives. When working-class wives lost the opportunities to earn their living at home some of them went to work in factories, and there was much talk about and against mothers working in factories. What with the Victorian notion of perfect women, what with the upper and middle classes' apprehension about the working-class moral and physical deterioration as a result of working wives, and what with male workers' intention to secure their labour market, it was generally agreed that it was desirable for wives to stay at home to do their household duties and to take care of children.Not only was it based on the middle-class view of family, but it came to be the desire of working-class men and women. Also it was commended as a social policy when Alfred Marshall wrote, ` The necessaries for the efficiency of an ordinary agricultural or of an unskilled town labourer and his family, in England in this generation, may be said to Consist of a well-drained dwelling with several rooms, warm clothing; with some changes of under-clothing, pure water, a plentiful supply of cereal food, with a moderate allowance of meat and milk, and a little tea, c., some education and some recreation, and lastly sufficient freedom for his wife from other work to enable her to perform properly her maternal and her household duties.' (my italics) Such freedom Of a wife presupposes that her husband's wage can provide for her and their little children. Thus toward the end of the nineteenth century family wage came to be an ideal in terms of social policy, common practice among the middle class, and wish and desire of working-class men and women.View full abstractDownload PDF (2256K) -
ETSURO ARAIArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 295-313,328-32
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIn 1880s, most of the Japanese exports and imports had been handled by foreign trading companies with offices in Yokohama. The Yokohama Union Silk Depository Incident (Yokohama Rengo Kiito Niazukarijo Jiken) between Japanese and foreign silk merchants took place under such circumstances. This article aims at giving an outline of the affair, with special references to direct export movements (jika-yushutsu undo) by the Japanese merchants and the activities of the Japanese silk-trading companies. Established in 1879 by Kenso Hayami, Dohshin-kaisha was a typical Japanese direct export company which had branches both in New York and Lyon. Hayami, as an ex-government official in charge of industrial policy, promoted direct export movements and organized silk producers and local merchants to set up the company. The Meiji Government offered some financial assistance in such a way as giving the loan in the form of documentary bills (nigawase) to promote the expansion of the Japanese direct export. Such facilities induced silk producers and local merchants to subscribe to the company.As a result Japan's direct export of raw silk grew rapidly between 1881 and 1883. In 1882, the Japanese trading companies jointly accounted for 27.6% of the Japanese raw silk export in volume. But despite the fact that the total volume of the Japanese raw silk export expanded substatially, the share of direct exports did not increase satisfactorily in the latter part of 1880s. This was partly caused by the inability of the Japanese trading interests to cope with the fluctuating world markets and their lack of funds to give sufficient loans to producers. Furthermore, the government closed financial aids to the direct export companies in 1889. The Japanese silk producers and local merchants eventually gave up their direct export efforts. The Japanese merchants thus failed to rectify the trading inequality vis'-a-vis the foreign companies. In 1880s the Japanese direct export companies were hardly a worthy opponent for the foreign traders.View full abstractDownload PDF (1806K) -
Toshio FurusimaArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 314-316
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (370K) -
kenzo TanjiArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 316-319
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (510K) -
Sakuo ShibaArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 320-322
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (405K) -
Masayoshi UozumiArticle type: Article
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 322-325
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (468K) -
Article type: Bibliography
1977 Volume 43 Issue 3 Pages 327-330
Published: September 30, 1977
Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (197K)
- |<
- <
- 1
- >
- >|