Remarkable is the change in Japanese communities after 1965. Their transformation can be seen all over the country, not to mention the regions newly developed as big industrial areas and the vicinities of big cities such as Tokyo, Osaka, and Nagoya. The change has two phases: concentration of the population into suburban areas of the big cities and the industrial areas, and outflow of the population from the remote areas. This article makes it clear, taking Hadano City in Kanagawa Prefecture as an example, how a pure agricultural region (before 1955) and a small town in its center grew to be an industrial and residential region. Firstly we investigate the relationship between the residence and the place of work of the population living in the prefectures of Tokyo, Chiba, Saitama, and Kanagawa so as to grasp peculiarities of Hadano. Some cities are strongly characterized as the residential areas of commuters to central parts of Tokyo, the others have changed into industrial areas themselves while retaining characteristics as residential areas. It is revealed that compared with the cities in other prefectures have been changed more into industrial areas. Thus Hadano is taken as an example. Formerly Hadano had been a leaf tobacco producing and cut tobacco manufacturing area. Now it has become and industrial area manufacturing various kinds of electrical machines and appliances. This article also shows the necessity of historical analysis in studying the process of regional transformation during the period it is concerned with, because the turning point has to be determined through the procedure of historical analysis as the materials for study between the end of the last war and 1955 were destroyed wherever, and because the changes during this period are greater than any in other period.

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear how the bonds issued in exchange for kinsatsu and the national banking system were proposed, inquired, and introduced, and how the national banking system was adopted in spite of the strong opinion that the European central banking system was the best, during the period of the 'bank dispute', which has not yet been fully considered. The conclusions of this study are as follows. 1. Hirobumi Ito, Eiichi Shibusawa, and the Section of Revision of the Ministry of Finance, reading Element of Political Economy written by A.L.Perry or its translation by Rinsho Mitsukuri, came to know the legal Tender Act, the National Currency Act, etc., published by G.P.O. And after they proposed the method of redemption of kinsatsu by the delivery of the bonds issued in the new government-note in exchange for kinsatsu, they requested to visit the U.S.A. to study the national banking system, so as to cope with Inoue's apprehension of people-government unity and to introduce the national banks. 2. During Ito's stay in America, two designs about banking system stood face to face. One was the national banking system asserted by Ito, and the other [Bank of Japan→Gold Bank] by Kaoru Inoue and Shigenobu Okuma. Although the latter two were modeled after the Bank of England, the Bank of Japan, the organ of circulation and use of the government note, different from the Gold Bank which was the bank to issue the bank note. The origin of the Mitsui Gold Bank was not in the scheme of Bank of Japan but of the Gold Bank. 3. After Ito's return to Japan, the disqute over the banking system didn't arise at once because Ito was to engage in the management of the Osaka Mint Agency. There was a general agreement to establish the 'genuine bank, but it was during Ito's absence from Tokyo that the Mitsui Gold Bank was sanctioned promptly. 4. Shibusawa ordered Gen-ichiro Fukuchi to translate the National Currency Act and a part of the Elements of The Political Economy by Francis Wayland. At the same time he explained the European banking system in Rikkairyakusoku (How to Establish a Company) written and edited by himself. Thus he had been engaged with both of the designs of banking system, knowing that they were different from each other. 5. The dispute between Ito and Yoshida took place in September 1871, when it became necessary to consider the connection between the two designs. The dispute continued till November. By that time Inoue had come to support Ito's design, and the main disputed point came to be which banking system was more appropreate to redeem kinsatsu, to issue bank notes, and to manage banks in their early years. After all they decided to adopt the system of national banks because they thought it to be of primary importance to redeem kinsatsu.

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In the first place, the sum total of the takings of the Portuguese underwent the transition as follows. From the 1570's to the 1590's the sum total was approximately between 400 and 600 thousand cruzados yearly. In the 17th century, until the beginning of the 1630's it was from 500 thousand to a million and 500thousand cruzados. Afterwards until 1638, the last year of the trade, it came to a large sum of from two millions to two millions and 300 thousand taels. Second, the amount of the trade of raw silk, the principal merchandise of the Portuguese trade at Nagasaki, showed a slow and gentle decline with years, but the decrease was not so notable. The standard amount was a thousand and several hundred piculs yearly form beginning to end, and it increased and decreased approximately between 1000 and 2500 piculs, rising exceptionally to 3000or falling to 300 piculs. Comparing this amount of raw silk with the above mentioned sum total of the takings of the Portuguese, although the latter had been rising constantly with years and especially increased notably in the 1630's, the amount of the raw silk and the value of business of that merchandise did not show so much change. It seems that the rise of the sum total was caused by the increase of the other merchandises especially the silk fabrics. The Portuguese, until 1633, would have sold to the Japanese the greater part of the raw silk brought from Macao, by the pancada (wholesale) system, but after 1634 the amount of the raw silk sold by pancada underwent a complete change; only a little part of all the raw silk of the Portuguese came to kept for sale by that system. It seems that this change was the counter-measure from the side of the Portuguese against the new decision which the Edo Bakufu provided in the Edict of Seclusion (Sakoku) of 1633. Because it was ordered in this edict that the decision of the pancada price should be anterior to the dealings of all the merchandises other than white raw silk, and accordingly, the pancada price of the raw silk could have an influence on the prices of the other merchandises. Finally, the pancada price per picul of the white raw silk was about 150 taels in the 16 th century. It the 17th century, until 1620 it was approximately from 150 to 300 taels. From 1633 to 1638, it was between 215 and 315 taels. The price of the raw silk outside the pancada system fluctuated very widely. For example, from 1613 to 1620 it fluctuated between 100 and 500 taels. Therefore, it seems that one of the principal reasons why the Portuguese had adopted the pancada system from the early days of the trade with Japan was to evade influence of the fluctuation of the market conditions of the raw silk in Japan, at the time of the decision of the selling price of the raw silk.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider thougts of Tokuzo Fukuda (1874-1930), who was well known as a representative opinion leader between the end of the Meiji era to Taisho and to show characeristics of his economic liberalism. Fukuda had studied under Lujo Brentano (1844-1931) during his stay in Germany as a student. He belonged to the left wing in the Society for socialpolicy in Japan (Vereins fur Sozialpolitik in Japan). His economic thought in the end of the Meiji era be characterized by a combination of social liberism and 'a mode of thought influenced by historical school'. The former means the unity of two directions, a confidence in the principle of 'selfhelp' and a recognition of stateintervention. in the principle of 'selfhelp' and a recognition of stateintervention. The latter is summarized as a tendency to deduce justice and course of state-intervention from historical research. With this thought, he positively took part in the controversies over Factory Act and Corn Tariff. These problems were the main issues concerning the social conflict caused by industrization and the development of Japanese economy under the pressure of developed countries. This controversies were led by two groups, that is to say, Ukichi Taguchi (1865-1905). Kotaro Noritake (1867-1920) who insisted on the freedom of industrial relations and agriculture, and Noburu Kanai (1865-1933), Kumazo Kuwata (1868-1932), Tokiyoshi Yokoi (1860-1927) who adovocated protection of labour and peasant from the nationalistic standpoint. The particularity of Fukuda's contention, with which he intended to criticize both of them, lay on following points. 1) Fukuda paid full attention to pre-capitalistic relations in Japanese economy which had been neglected at all or considered as a pre-condition in their thought, and asserted to abolish feudalistic relations, to form modern industrial relations and to capitalize agriculture as a foundation of industrial development. To sum up, characteristics of his ideas were full capitalization of Japanese economy. 2) On the controversies he proclaimed the protection of labour by state and the freedom of agriculture from state. In a sense they might seem inconsistent, must be noticed that the protection of labour is deduced from a request for substantial equality between labourer and capitalist. That is to say, both of them are asserted from the viewpoint of the sole liberal principle. In these points we can see the originality of his economic thought that was different from simple laissez faire and nationlistic proctetionism.

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