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Volume 47, Issue 1
Displaying 1-13 of 13 articles from this issue
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Pierre DeyonArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 1-13
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
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Takeo KikkawaArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 14-41
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThe purpose of this paper is to make clear the actual conditions of the financing for electric power companies from Mitsui Bank before World War II and to consider the relation between Zaibatus and electric power capital. In the prewar Japanese industrial structure, the electric power industry leading the development of heavy and chemical industries was one of the most important sections. Besides, the electric power industry had raised the grdeatest social funds among all industrial sections. The study to analyse the mechanism of raising funds of the electric power industry is, therefore, important in the analysis of prewar Japanese capitalism. In this paper, financial relations between six big financial groups, Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo, Yasuda, Dai Ichi and the Industrial Bank of Japan, and electric power capital is firstly examined. Secondly the financing for electric power companies from the Mitsui Bank is precisely discussed. The objects of those are holding stocks, holding corporate bonds, underwriting corporate bonds, being entrusted with mortgages of corporate bonds and loans. The conclusion of these examinations are followings: Financial organs affiliated to Zaibatsu contributed greatly toward raising funds of electric power companies by means of external liabilities such as bonds and loans. Therefore, electric power companies had been depending upon Zaibatsu financially since the middle of the 1920s; because bonds were more important means of raising funds than stocks in the electric power industry during the latter half of 1920s and 1930s. However the commonly accepted theory is not adequate, which asserts that electric power capital was put under the control of Zaibatsu. For example, the Mitsui Bank had never intervened in Toho Electric Power Co., although the financial of the two was tightly close. Due to the decrease of the balance of loans and the spread of underwriting syndicates, individual relation between each financial organ affiliated to Zaibatsu and each electric power company was rarefied on and after 1934.View full abstractDownload PDF (2784K) -
Tooru KuboArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 42-64
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThis paper, dealing with the tariff policy of the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) Government in 1933-l934, shows clearly that Chinese capitalists exerted considerable influence on the economic policy of the Government. It is sometimes said that the Kuomintang regime was a counter-revolutionary military dictatorship of the big compradors and big landlords, and that the Kuomintang Government played only a negative role in developing domestic industry. This thesis is, however, far from the truth. One of the decisive factors influencing the direction of the economic policy such as the tariff policy was the attitude of the Chinese capitalist classes. And the economic policy, including the tariff policy, could help to develop native industry. (1) By means of comparing the new tariff with the demands insisted by the various capitalist groups, this study makes it plain that their demands were well reflected in the excuted tariff policy. The import duties of dyed or printed cotton pieces, flour, cement, paper, rubber goods, clocks, electric bulbs and so on, which Cinese native industry could produce, were mostly raised. Only a few of them were lowerd because of Japanese protest and the appeasment policy in the Kuomintang Government. (2)A brief analysis of several meetings and proposals of Chinese capitalists reveals that there were important differences among some capitalists groupes. Financial capitalists, who feared the decrease of customs revenue as debt security, didn't to raise tariff too high. A part of commercial capitalists, engaging in foreign trade, disliked high tariff. But, after all, industrial capitalists, demanding high protectige tariff, significantly influenced to form the general intention of Chinese capitalists. (3)The unpublished archives preserved in Japan and Britain strongly suggest that policy makers in the Kuomintang Government had to pay attention to the capitalists' demands during decision making process. This process is divided into three periods, The first period (the end of 1932-the spring of 1933): Led by T.V.Soong, finance minister, the Government excuted the higher duties of May 1933 to increase revenue, protect domestic industry and boycott Japanese goods. The second period (-the fall of 1933): Faced Japanese strong protest, pro-Japanese faction, including Wang Ching-wei, began to try to revise the 1933 tariff, and T.V.Soong was forced to resign as finance minister. The third period (-the summer of 1934): H.K.Kung, who replaced T.V.Soong, made a new tariff put in effect from July 1934. Despite the concession to Japanese demands, the 1934 tariff didn't lose the character as a protective tariff. Wang and Kung told foreign diplomats that they couldn't but have regard to the capitalists' demands.View full abstractDownload PDF (2489K) -
Norio ChibaArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 65-86
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDie Territorien des alten Reiches wurden seit der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts von einer groβen Welle der gesetzgeberischen Tatigkeit erfaβt, die man unter den Begriff ,,Polizei" (=Verwaltung) versteht. Diese Tatigkeit fing damit an, fur die Erhaltung der alten Sitten und Formen, fur eine Reglmentierung von Recht und Frieden im weitesten Sinne zu sorgen. So wurden umfassende Landes- und Polizeiordnungen erlassen. Daneben aber traten im 16. Jahrhundert eine ganze Menge einzelner Polizeiverordnungen, die alle diejenigen Tatbestande betrafen, welche durch die veranderten politischen, okonomischen, sozialen und religiosen Verhaltnisse auftrten und sich nicht bereits in den Rahmen von alten Recht und Herkommen einfugten. Auf diese Weise wurden die immer neue Gebiete des menschlichen Zusammenlebens bis ins letzte geregelt. Die bisherige Forschungen haben solch eine Gesetzgebung als eine wichtigste Verwaltungsmaβnahme des Landesfursten zur Ausbildung des Landesfursten zur Ausbildung des Absolutismus untersucht. Freilich sind ihre Ergebnisse haltbar und sehr nutzlich. Aber dieser Beitrag will die Polizeigesetzgebung unter einem andern Gesichtspunkt, namlich in ihrem Zusammenhang mit den Landstanden betrachten, um die bisher wenig beachtete Seite aufzuklaren. Im Spatmittelalter trug nicht der Landesfurst allein die ausgedehnte Tatigkeit in den allgemeinen Landesangelegenheiten. Die Landstande beteilgten sich auch daran, und zwar hochst energisch. Ein ausgezeichnetes Beispiel dafur ist die erste thuringische Landesordnung von 1446,uber die hier die Betrachtung angestellt wird. Sie wurde zwar vom Landesfursten erlassen, beruhte aber auf der Mitbestimmung der Landstande. Auberdem wuede zwischen Landesfursten und Landstanden ein Vertrag geschlossen, der eine Reihe von Bestimmungen ubor das Verhaltnis zwischen ihnen und die Einhaltung der Landesordnung enthielt. Er wird mit Recht als Einung bezeichnet. Aber die Landesordnung labt sich auch als ein Wiederaufbau der Ordnung im Interesse adliger Grundherrschaft feststellen. So enthullt sich darin das standestaatliche Prinzip aufgrund der Reorganisation des Feudalismus. Ubrigens wenn wir einen Blick auf die weitere Entwicklung der Polizeigesetzgebung werfen, liegt das auf der Hand: Die Erlassung der einzelnen Verordnungen wurde oft von Landstanden gefordert. Uberdies waren die Landesordnungen in Thuringen bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts allgemeine Landesgesetze, die Zustimmung der Zustimung der Landstande entbehren konnten, um gultig zu werden. Die landstandische Verfassung wurde doch auch im Zuge der absolutistischen Entwicklung nicht prinzipiell abge baut, und den Landstanden blieb ihre nur wenig eingeschrankte Lokalpolizeigewalt erhalten.View full abstractDownload PDF (2280K) -
Terushiro SeraArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 87-94
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
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Seiji AraiArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 95-97
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
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Matao MiyamotoArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 97-101
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (726K) -
Chiharu KurosakiArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 101-103
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (455K) -
Takao HoshinoArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 104-107
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (616K) -
Masaru IwasakiArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 107-109
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
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Kiyoshi SakamakiArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 109-112
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (609K) -
Yasuo OkadaArticle type: Article
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 112-115
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
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Article type: Bibliography
1981 Volume 47 Issue 1 Pages 119-122
Published: May 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: July 15, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (261K)
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