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Volume 62 (1996)
- Issue 6 Pages 721-
- Issue 5 Pages 571-
- Issue 4 Pages 427-
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- Issue 2 Pages 145-
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Volume 62, Issue 6
Displaying 1-17 of 17 articles from this issue
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Tomoko SAZANAMIArticle type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 721-750,869
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThis article investigates urban development in the Shanghai Settlement until 1937 by focusing on real estate transactions. The first section shows that not only foreigners but also Chinese owned and traded real estate in the settlement. According to the 1845 Land Regulations, only foreigners were allowed to buy land in the ssettlement. However, after the late 19th century, many Chinese started to acquire land under the names of foreigners so that they could enjoy extraterritorial rights. The second section analyzes the continuous rise of land prices from 1890 to 1933. It argues that the concentration of industrial and commercial enterprises and the consequent increase of population in the small area of the settlement raised the rent of buildings and the price of land. Being profitable as well as secure, real estate in the settlement was widely and constantly traded among Chinese and foreigners. The close relationship between trade and financial transactions was important. The third section examines real estate mortgages. Financial institutions in Shanghai considered land title deeds to be highly secure collateral. Shanghai entrepreneurs could borrow money on the security of real estate for their short- and long-term capital needs, However, over-reliance on real estate made financial institutions structurally unstable. When the real estate market crashed in 1934, after the boom from 1929 to 1933, the financial market also slipped into a severe crisis. As a conclusion, the article analyzes the clynamism of urban development as follows: the concentration of industries and the inflow of people raised the price of land rents in the settlement. The consequent expansion of mortgages enabled entrepreneurs to finance their businesses, which led to further concentration of industries and the greater development of the area.View full abstractDownload PDF (2267K) -
Mutsuo SATOArticle type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 751-775,868
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSAt large farming estates in east-cerntral Sweden,'day-work' (dagsverke) was imposed on peasants and crofters (torpzrre) as a form of land rent as late as the latter half of the 19th century. Past research on the subject identifies two reasons for the continuance of such labor obligations. First, there was little merit in relying completely on wage labor under unmeclnanized conditions because of the irregular demand for labor over the different crop seasons. Secondly, it was economically and socially advantageous for the landed estates to maintain tenant farmers and crofters. However, these two features are by no means limited to east-central Sweden. It is therefore necessary to explain why such a system persisted in this era even though married farmhands (statare) were also employed on the demesne. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the socio-economic background of labor during the 19th century. The conclusions are as follows: (1) Peasants who paid rents mainly in money or in kind were required to work at most thirty days a year. It is reasonable to consider that such labor obligations reflect the very uneven seasonal demand for labor mentioned above. But, peasants and crofters who paid rents mainly via labor were required to work for about 300 days, with little regard to seasonal changes. I propose that this year-round day-work schedule was a means of overcoming any shortages of paid labor. (2) In order to meet their labor obligations, peasants and crofters sent their servants or children to manor farms. This suggests that the year-round day-work functioned as a kind of compulsory apprenticeship. From this vantage point, I conclude that in the underdeveloped labor market of the 19th century, day-work was used by landowners as an effective method of extracting labor from those living in peasants' and crofters' homes.View full abstractDownload PDF (1927K) -
Tomoari MATSUNAGAArticle type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 776-803,867
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSEconomic historians have thought that government financial policy in early 20th century Britain was under the influeuace of the City of London. Both Marxists and non-Marxists (for example, the theory of 'gerxtlemanly capitalism') are agreed on this point. In this article, the author tries to disprove this consensus. The first section consists of an analysis of parliamentary debates on the financial policy of the Liberal government during the years from 1907 to 1914. From these debates, it is clear that those MPs who had close connections with the City of London were always in disagreement with the Liberal government over financial policy. In the second section. the attitude of financicers in the City of London toward the 1909 budget (the People's Budget) is considered As a result. the author demonstrates that most financiers in the City of Lomadon preferred the protectionist budget proposed by the Conservative Party to the Liberal free trade budget (i.e., the People's Budget). In conclusion, the author suggests that the financial policy of the Liberal government in the early 20th century was influenced not by the financiers of the City of London but by the manufacturing interestsView full abstractDownload PDF (2264K) -
Tsuyoshi HARAArticle type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 804-823,866
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSThe transportation debate concerns the evaluation of the criminality of convicts transported to Australia. In Essay of Elia Charles Lamb wondered whether peoplein Sydney were busy stealing from each other all day long and this may have been the general attitude of English people in the 19th century toward convicts in Australia. However, this attitude charged in the early 20th century when Hammonds suggested in The Village Labourer that the convicts had been victims of the Industrial Revolution or the village Hampdens of that generation. There was another change in the l950s, when Manning Clark stated that the convicts had originally been professional thieves. Thereafter changing trends in research into the social history of England, especially into criminal history, have influenced attitudes to the convicts. So when Tobias made a detailed study of the criminal class in 19th century England in his Crime and Industrial Society in the Nineteenth Century both Robson in The Criminal Settlers in Australia and Shaw in Convicts and Colonies insisted that the convicts came from the criminal class in England. This view of the convicts as serious criminals prevailed until the 1980s, when Nicholas produced a new view in his Convict Workers. Following the lead of social historians such as E. P. Thomnson and his, sunrcorters, as well as Gatrell and David Philips, who denied the existence of the so-called criminal class, Nicholas tried to interpret the Past from the 'bottom up'. Whereas Robson used indents primarily as evidence of the recorded crimes of the convicts, Nicholas analysed the convicts, occupations as recorded on the indents and concluded that they had been ordinary workers who casuallv committed petty crimes at work when times were hard. From what recent social works in the social history of England tell, Nicholas's interpretaion of the origins of the convicts seems to hold true.View full abstractDownload PDF (1657K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 824-826
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (368K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 826-829
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (472K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 829-832
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (465K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 832-834
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (349K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 834-837
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (464K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 837-841
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (587K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 841-843
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (376K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 843-846
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (480K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 846-849
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (447K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 849-851
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (344K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 851-854
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (405K) -
Article type: Bibliography
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 866-869
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (167K) -
Article type: Index
1997 Volume 62 Issue 6 Pages 871-877
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: August 22, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (273K)
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