The most remarkable characteristic in the East Europe's energy economy is that they are highly dependent upon coal production. This is in marked contrast with ‘mixed fuel’ economy in the Western Europe, which is under the same natural conditions as the Eastern Europe. In 1960, the petroleum rate in the structure of energy consumption was about 4% in almost all the countries except Romania (28.4%) and Bulgaria (13.9%), but in the former countries too, the rate shows a gradual increase as compared with the rate in 1957. The output of crude oil rose from 5.92 million tons (in 1950) to 14.12 million tons (in 1961), but the increase tempo became slower from the year 1955 and this is chiefly due to the stagnation of production in Romania (Fig 1). Romania is the largest supplying country in the Eastern Europe (the net export was 5.71 million tons in 1960), and 60% was exported to the SEV countries, but the main market is the Soviet Union (2.82 million tons).
The ratio of dependence upon petroleum in the oil importing countries is very high. For example (in 1960), the rate was 99.9% in East Germany, 94.4% in Czechoslovakia, 77.1% in Poland and 53.8% in Hungary, and import in these countries is mostly from the Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia, East Germany and Poland occupied about 80% of the above Soviet export (Fig. 2). Due to the lack of official data cocerning the product consumption, I can not say for certain, but it can be assumed that more than two-thirds of it is for the fuel of automobiles and other engines and that its use in petrochemical industry is very rare.
By 1965, crude oil output is planned to increase to about 16.82 million tons (Bulgaria excluded), in which is included 12.20 million tons (in Romania) and 1.0 million tons (supposed volume in East Germany). And in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, too, the petroleum import is planned to increase to about 18.0 million tons. This increase in import is solely due to the supply by means of the pipeline “Druzhba” and it is planned that by 1965, crude oil (15.00 million tons) will be exported through the pipeline from the 2nd Baku oil field.
The construction of this pipeline has resulted from the combined efforts of several countries. And this has brought about an immediate effect upon the reduction of the cost of oil transport (about 72% cheaper than that of railway transportation), the release from the chains of railway transportation, and the development of the new oil refinery plants and petrochemical industry based on the plants. The capacity of crude oil refining in the Eastern Europe will increase from 17.81 million tons (1961) to 37.40 million tons (in 1964∼5, Fig. 3), and the new refinery plants will occupy about half of the whole capacity. Particularly, the locations of Schwedt and Slovnaft are worth noticing. The former is located on the border between Poland and East Germany, as is the case with Eisenhüttestadt, showing a political character of East Germany's dependence upon the Eastern world. The latter is along the Donau river and it will become all the more significant in exporting Soviet petroleum to the Western Europe, as it is situated in a strategically important place.
But each country is under the different economic influence of the pipeline. In Poland, the export of coal occupies about 17% of the total export amount, and it is important for her to check the constant excess of import as much as possible. It is presumed that, because of the increase of energy consumption in her own country, the export of coal will stop and that Poland will change into an oil importing country. Therefore, what must be exported to replace it has become one of her important subjects. Romania has a problem to compete with the Soviet Union for oil market, as a similar oil exporting country. As it is presumed that, in near future, the export of oil will be reduced inside and outside the ‘block’

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Ariake Bay has been famous as the green laver culture in Japan, and its development in Fukuoka Prefecture is the most remarkable in the area. Omuta city district, the chief producing centre of the laver, has the industrial area behind it, so it has a peculiar structure of management. In this paper the author reports the results of his own investigations of the culture, Miura Fishermen's Cooperative Association as the object, the association consists of 741 members, of which 420 being green laver farmers.
Green laver culture in Omuta city has made a rapid progress from 1952/53 on, because there are favourable natural conditions, and the positive conversion policy from coastal fishery to shallow sea culture did much toward forming the culture, and it was advantageous to have surplus working population accumulated in the coastal villages by the reduction of the labour market of the industrial city.
As the result of the sharp increase of farmers engaged the shallow sea fit for the culture became relatively narrow, and the water was divided among farmers mainly based on the managing year and past records of each farmers, consequently the marked differentiation of classes were made in the coastal fishermen. Although it may be said that the green laver culture in Japan is generally formed as the side job for winter of the fishermen, here in Omuta city about 40% of the farmers get money as wages by working in factories. On the other hand there are some farmers largely depending upon laver culture itself. Being restricted by the distribution of the laver farms, the following complex and complicated types of income are found out:
A. Green laver and other fishing income only 33.2%
B. Green laver and wages 24.0%
C. Green layer, wages and agricultural income 16.2 %
D. Green laver and agricultural income 22.5%
E. Green laver and others 4.1%
Most of the laver farmers need to employ labourers, and the laver culture is more profitable than agriculture in cash income at least. It is a striking contrast to see the fact that fishermen who do not culture laver scarcely derive income from fishing.
But now, the filthy waters discharged from factories of the chemical industries neighbouring the laver farms, the enlargement of land reclamation by drainage, and the depression by the developing undersea coal mines……, these conditions are seriously making the circumstances of the culture worse than before, and these are the problems to be solved by the future farmers.

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The present fruit farming area in the south-western part of Okayama Prefecture was in the middle of the Tokugawa era a self-sufficient rice and wheat producing area.
In line with the process of the capital accumulation taking place in the early years of the Meiji era, the agricultural development was strengthened. Here in the area mentioned above the exploitation of sloping lands was undertaken, but the change in the mode of production has gone no further than to augment something to the type of self-sufficient and grain centred agriculture.
Fruit farming was introduced here at about the middle of the Meiji era when the establishment of the industrial capitalism based upon the industrial revolution was taking shape in Japan, and it continued to be practised through the two epochal periods-the middle of Taisho and 10's of Shôwa. During the periods it has taken root and attained the present position as a peach producing area of the country.
The special characteristics of the structure of the agriculture at that time may be said to be the combined form of fruit-grain cultivation, mainly undertaken and engaged in by farmers whose land being more or less than one hectare.
The characteristics of structure and mode of the agriculture since then have continued down without a change even after the Land Reform, but there has been noted a little advancement of the management, which is taken to be a “special type” inherent with fruit farming.
The characteristic mode of producing fruit is in existence within the sphere of small farming; therefore not until the shell of small-scale farming is broken out we can only expect to see the fruit farming of the area expanding and developing in consonance with the capitalistic system.

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