At the Sarobetsu field, the most northern part of Hokkaido, development had been disturbed and delayed by some natural and economical factors: too short and insufficient time for crop growth owing to the cold temperature, distribution of the acid peat deposits which are hard to drain off, and vast sheet of water caused by flood and other disasters at the thawing season are the former factors; its geographical location of being too far isolated from the market is the latter one. The existing farm production at its environs was also extremely dull. At the end of the World War II, in acting on the Urgent Development Project, the total number of farmers, who had settled only in the comparatively rich areas, had amounted to 433 houses. Yet it decreased to 176 houses in 1968, In this interim, about 3, 000ha of field were cleared to be arable and at present each farmer's cultivable land counts 17.4ha. It had been changing from the self-sustaining agriculture type, which was held until 1960 in putting stress on cultivation of oats and potato, into the mono-dairy farming management in the form of multi-cows raising at the meadow.
Originally, it was aimed to start as the dairy farming type management, As it is easily observed from the circumstance that the development investment had just ultimately set out in full scale since 1961, the unfavourable condition, which was brought about by the scanty reclaimant administration and its retarded promotion, made each dairy farmers, with insufficient capital, have to find themselves difficult to enlarge their management under the heavy charge of the accumulated, unproductive debt. After the completion of the short-cut of the Sarobetsu river in 1969, the arable area expanded in size, and the land was considerably improved, yet the total farmers number still now does not cease from decreasing, owing to the fact that the faicilitating measures of disengagement from the agriculture had been putting in motion as well as to the essential shortage of the enlargement fund. Before 1965, farmers' desentations, for the most part of them, took place at the casual disaster as a sort of turning-point on the impedimental hot bed brewed by the accumulated debts. Nowadays, it is considered as the outcome of the farmers class differentiation which has been recently extremely accelerated; and at the same time it reflects the promotion of the new measures for encouragement of the reclaimant areas.
As for the remaining farmers, the authority's misguidance in the past distorted their rationalization of agricultural management; for instance, the underestimation of target figure of the breeding cows had inevitably invited the inadequate distribution of arable field. Furthermore, it indicates a conspicuous turn for the worst management accounts such as the enormous debt which came out from the too hurried accomodation to the multi-cows breeding system and the sudden swelling up of the fodder cost.
The Agricultural Cooperative Society had greatly contributed to the expansive trend of the farm management in fostering common use of heavy agricultural machines and implements. Nevertheless, on the other hand it has fallen down to a mere profitable corporation, alienating from the farmers, upon a pretext as “sound management” of the cooperative itself, in following suit after such a lucrative line of policy: preferential treatment for the upper-class, discarding of the lower-class. Its attitude denotes the inseparable adhesion to the dairy and fodder capitalism.
In summing up, after the end of the World War II the reclaimant farmers could at last manage to fix the mono-dairy farming management against the harsh natural condition, yet the trend of the reclaimant policy as well as the dairy farming measures had been consistently affecting as the primary factor the way they should be in this area.

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After the World War II, many colonial countries established their independence. One of the problems inherited by these newly independent countries in the aspect of agriculture was in what form to manage the lands they had taken over from European colonists.
Algeria was colonialized by France in 1830. The lands favourable for agriculture were transformed into farms, where European colonists grew exportable products, such as grapes for wine, oranges, vegetables, wheat, etc., with the aid of French Government. Algerians were employed as labour force in these farms.
Soon after the independence in 1962, the Government of Algeria nationalized all the colonial farms (2, 700, 000ha.), and transformed them into a kind of collective farm called “Self-managed Farm” (“L'autogestion” or “L'exploitation agricole autogérée”). The self-managed farm was the one institutionalized after Algerian farm labourers had spontaneously organized joint management of the farms abandoned by European colonists during the confusion caused by the War of Independence. The Government sets a director for each farm to supervise its management.
Bouchaoui Amar Farm is one of the self-managed farms located 10km in the south-west of Alger, with 1, 293 hectars of land in total. This farm, which had previously been owned by a French colonist, became a self-managed farm after independence and has an organization as shown in fig. 3. The membership of the farm is 467; the main products are grapes (561ha.), oranges (126ha.) and vegetables (105ha.)-as of Sept., 1967. All the products of this farm are to be bought by the Government. The profit is divided between the farm and the Government (3:7).
The problems this farm faces now are as follows:
1. Low level of techniques.
2. Strong pressure of Government control at the cost of autonomy and initiative on the side of labourers.
3. Qualitative change of the member's becoming more like a salaried man.
4. Necessity for shifting from exported products like grapes to those for the domestic market like suger cane or wheat.
Tunisia bacame French Protectrate in 1883. Since then Frenchmen and Italians had immigrated and occupied the land favourable for agriculture, where they grew grapes, oranges, olives, wheat, etc.. Just before the independence, the land thus occupied by European colonists amounted to 860, 000ha. (3, 800, 000ha. for the whole cultivated area in Tunisia).
After the independence Tunisian Government nationalized all the land owned by foreigners and placed it under Government control.
Since 1962 the Government has started setting up the cooperative farm, integrating nationalized farms and surrounding small ones owned by Tunisian farmers, with the aim of encouraging their initiative to increase production. These cooperative farms were composed of the farmers who participated with their own land and the landless labourers who had been employed on colonial farms. The farm labourers have their own autonomous organization to take charge of the management of the farm under the supervision of a director appointed by the Government. The number of the cooperative farms was 303, covering 310, 000ha. (as of 1966).
The Methline Farm is a cooperative farm situated 70km north of Tunis. Of the total area of 1, 406ha., the land by the Government is 758ha. and small private farms offered by Tunisian farmers amount to 647ha.. There are 181 labourers on the farm, of whom 29 are former employees of colonial farms, 95 are independent farmers who offered their own land, and 57 landless peasants who participated by the permission of the regional Government. The main products are wheat, grapes, vegetables, olives, and grains, beans and pasturages for feed. The farm keeps 261 cows and 195 sheep as well. All these products are to be bought by the Government.
The problems of the farm are as follows:
1. Strong pressure of Government control.

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The urban growth of Wakayama City since 1955 is pursued after in this article from the view-point of population phenomenon. Wakayama City, the capital of Wakayama Prefecture, is situated, about 60km south from Osaka City, at the peripherial part of the Osaka Metropolitan Region, which is the second largest scope in Japan.
According to the primary consideration that the subject of the area study should be fully grasped through the comprehensive scrutiny between more than two different scales, first, it has started to deal with the theme of the urban growth from the two angles: situation and hierarchy, and then examined its autonomy and heteronomy. Consulting these indicatives such as commuting and attending school, shopping of personal effects and population drift, it has reached to the conclusion that Wakayama City has fulfilled its own autonomic urban growth to an extensive degree, although having been incessantly affected from the negative impact from Osaka City. Besides it, it is also pointed out, as main factors of such autonomic urban growth, the enlargement of population scale at the Sumitomo Metalworking Industry Wakama Plant, one of the most prominent coastal iron foundry in the world and its product amount of the blister steel per year is 6, 150, 000ton, as well as the urban functional expansion under the impact of the Plant's activity.
Next, in treating each 40 administrative sections as a unit area, the urban growth of Wakayama City is studied in the light of population growth rate, net migration rate and gross migration rate etc. Since 1960 following schema of circular structure has been perceived, centering on some spots at the inner part of the city as nuclei, where the sporadic depopulation is already coming out in the shape of doughnut. Several sections, where the population growth rate is lessening, spread around the central nuclear spots, and at the outer side there are distributed the more urbanized zone with denser population and higher migration rate; then at its further exterior place, expand the localities where just have presented the population increasing and ascending of the migration rate. Finaally, at the most peripherial outside of the city there are left the regions where still keep the reducing trend of population. For all that, these farm regions are already undergoing the influence of urbanization: the side jobs are considerably carrying on in commuting to the city. Thus, nowadays aerial and social structure of the farm village are speedingly transfiguring in the regional frame of the urban control from the city's side. Consequently, there is no doubt that the above-mentioned schema of circular structure is dynamic. The region of accumulated population divides into two divisions: the one is where the Sumitomo Metalworking Industry and its allied factories had brought about it as an immediate factor, the other is where it was turned up by other factors not directly doing with their industrial activities. This is the peculiarity of the urban growth in Wakayama City.

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