This paper is a study of the spatial aspetcs of acculturation in relation to economic, social, political and religious transformations in the Torres Strait Islands. These islands are situated between Australian continent and New Guinea Island (9°20′S-10°45′S), which have transformed their culture since the mid-nineteenth century.
The foundamental social unit, “clan” society, used to be organized by totemic clanship, stable and independent, though its spatial structure was loose. And as a larger social unit there existed, “island” society, which was loosely combined by the exogamous marriage system and the mutual relationships of economic complement and cooporation in the wartime. That was the secondary social unit. Furthermore, the third social unit “The Torres Strait Islands” society, consisted of the island groups which used to be called “-laig” area.
In the latter half of the nineteenth century, however, the clans were gradually grouped, localized and integrated in politics, religion and military alliance not only through the internal factors, the development of private land holding and the change of marriage and inheritance systems, but also through the outer impacts, the development of cash economy, increase of wage labourers, Christianization and strengthening of Queensland State Government's control. And yet, at this stage, the island society did not possessed the quality of foundamental social unit.
It seems that the island society has developed into a foundamental unit of society because its integration has been more strengthened since the turn of the century. Nowadays, however, the society is still unstable and heteronomously integrated, for lack of its internal substantiality under the political and economic control by white men. On the other hand, the traditional clan-ship, which has been transformed into extensive kin-groups, still remains at the foundation of such social and economic systems as marriage, family, land occupancy. The abovementioned kin-groups might be called sub-society because they lack social integration. “The Torres Strait Islands” society, as the secondary social unit, has weakened the autonomously cooperative relationships among islands and strengthened dependence on the white men's society. because each island is separately connected with the political, economic and cultural systems of Australia.
Thus, The Torres Strait Islands has lost its multi-layered circle structure based on “clan”, but, today, it has the social structure extended by the outer impacts and intensified its subordinaton to Australia, as found in colonialized society in common.

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In his first research in America, Gould identified that there are mental maps shared in common among many individuals with respect to a specific perception point. This he termed as a specific mental map (S). In his later research in Britain, he found a general mental map (G) which was shared in common among all British school leavers. He explained the relationship between these two mental maps as follows: S=G+L (where L is local effects or local dome). This means that there are differences in every specific mental map. But he didn't consider differences of mental maps which derived from different residential preference systems. In mental maps, the residential preference systems or value systems are very important, because mental maps mainly depend on them. But there are many residential preference systems in a human group, so that the mental maps shared in common are not single but plural.
In this papar, therefore, the existence of plural general mental maps is conceptualized and then the maps are extrected, their spatial patterns and their preference systems are analyzed, and their relationships are discussed.
(Concepts)
Prior to analysis, some concepts would be defined as follows.
(a) Generality of mental maps and local effects of mental maps are features of spatial patterns. The former is a spatial pattern shared in common in a country (or study area) among the respondents. The latter is features of spatial patterns viewed from every specific perception point, which operate to deform the general mental map.
(b) Dimensionality of mental maps is the variety of residential preference systems. Operationally, the dominant residential preference systems correspond to the dimensions of principle component analysis. The residential preference systems are interpreted by component scores on this scaling.
(c) Homogeneity of mental maps is equivalent to the extent to which a particular residential preference system exists within a group. Operationally, it is measured by coefficient of determination.
(Data and method)
From six high schools in Aomori, Chiba, Fukui, Iwakura, Yao and Niihama, the residential preference ranking data are obtained. To these data, principal component analysis is used twice. In the first step, spatial patterns at every perception point are represented through principal component scores and their features are described. At the second step, principal component analysis is reapplied to the six component scores obtained (the first dimension and the second dimension, seperately).
(Results)
Fig. 2-(1-6) shows the spatial patterns of the first dimension at the six perception points respectively. Fig. 3-(1-6) shows that of the second dimension. Fig. 4 shows the spatial pattern of the general mental maps of Japan drawn by using the first dimension components. Fig. 5 shows the map drawn by using the second dimension components. The features of every specific mental map are summarized in the general mental maps.
The features of spatial pattern in the first dimension are as follows; (1) prefectures known for sightseeing (Kyoto, Nara, Hokkaido, Shizuoka, Nagano, etc.) are preferect, (2) in general, the warm and urbanized prefectures have high score, and (3) Tokyo, capital of Japan, is not prefered. In specific mental maps, however, there are local effects, for example, the prefectures near the perception points have high scores as compared with other prefectures. The features of spatial pattern in the second dimension are as follows; (1) it is simpler than the first dimension with respect to spatial pattern, (2) rural prefectures have high scores, while urbanized prefectures have low scores. As seen from table 4, it can be said that a rather high correlation exists between the various perception points in both the first and the second dimension correlation matrix of component scores.

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There are approximately 2, 000 Chinese people living in Yokohama's Chinatown, including those who are naturalized Japanese citizens. The Chinatown was estabished in a foreign settlement in Yokohama after the port was opened in 1859 (Fig. 3). An earthquake which occurred in the Kanto Province in 1923 and the war damage in 1945 destroyed the Chinatown completely. However, the Chinese settlers recovered from these disasters, and reconstructed their Chinatown quickly. The tourism for the Chinatown was being promoted rapidly around 1970, and that made the Chinatown one of the most important tourists' attractions in Yokohama.
The aim of this thesis is to show how the Chinese people in Japan have adapted themselves to Japanese society. In order to attain this goal, I analyzed Yokohama's Chinatown, the biggest Chinatown in Japan, from economic, social, and cultural points of view.
The Chinese settlers launched into business fields in which competition with the Japanese was not so severe. Before World War II, they were distinguished in the Santogyo: Chinese restaurant business, hair-dressing business, and tailoring business. They made the best use of their traditional skills in their professions (Fig. 6). Right after World War II, the Chinatown became a street market. Some Chinese made fortunes under the special circumstances of being a victorious nation's citizens, whereas the Japanese were defeated nation's citizens. After the Korean War, the number of bars and restaurants owned by Chinese people increased in the Chinatown. These days, however, shops which sell Chinese products, folkcrafts, and confectioneries are increasing with the development of tourism. As of 1976, there are 199 Chinese owned shops in Yokohama's Chinatown, and 95 of them are Chinese restaurants (Table 3. Fig. 7). The Chinese settlers made a great use of their cultural backgrounds by making an under commercialized ethnic town in Yokohama. This is one of the most distinctive forms of their accommodation to Japanese society.
In the society of a Chinatown, relationships among blood relatives and people who had had the same geographical background were maintained closely, in order to help each other overcome disadvantages in a foreign society. Yokohama's Chinatown has consisted of people mostly from Canton province (Fig. 9). Although there are still various organizations of people who are from the same province or who have the same professions, the degree of their dependence on these organizations is decreasing.
Yokohama's Chinatown was a base of Chinese immigration and dispersion to the various areas after entering Japan until World War II. Therefore, the place was then predominated by Chinese culture and its traditions. However, due to the end of new immigration after World War II and an increase of their Japanese-born offsprings their traditional culture has suffered a great change. An example is language, where Japanese is more commonly spoken than Chinese in a Chinese family. The Chinese culture and traditions are being reduced to a shell in the Chinatown, whereas the place looks more and more exotic outwardly because of tourism.

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Die geographischen Forschungen über der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten in Japan begannen mit Teito to kinko (Stadt und ihre Vororte) von ODAUCHI. Danach haben sich die Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten von der Verstädterung verändert: in den Phasen der Betriebsgröße, des Feldfruchtanbaus, der Arbeitskraftstruktur, der landwirtschaftlichen Organisation usw. Daneben wurde die räumliche Unterschied des landwirtschaftlichen Betriebsbe deutend. Diese Veränderungen sind nach 1960 auffallend. Seitdem hat die von den höheren Wirtschaftsentwicklung herursachte Verstädterung stark fortgeschritten.
Unter diesen Umständen haben die verschiedenen Untersuchungen über der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten durchgeführt werden. Diese Forschungserfolge sind schon von UKITA und YAMAMOTO klargemacht. Charakteristisch ist hier, daß die Agrarlandschaft kompliziert und vielfältig ist, dadurch als einseitiges Phänomen nicht erfaßt werden kann. Deshalb ist es wichtig, verschiedenen Phasen der Agrarlandschaft der Stadtrandgebiete und ihr Wandel nach der starken Verstädterung zu begreifen, damit die Forschungsaufgaben erkannt und die künftigen Forschungsrichtungen festgesetzt werden können. In dieser Arbeit werden daher die verschiedenen Aspekte der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten nach 1960 erfaßt, danach mit den Randgebieten von Hamburg verglichen und schließlich die kommenden Forschungsaufgaben vorgezeigt.
I. Verschiedene Aspekte der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten
Die folgenden Abschnitte wurden eingeteiit und jede Phase wurde betrachtet.
1) Wandel der landwirtschaftlichen Landnutzung
a) Wandel der Feldfruchtanbau und Viehhaltung
b) Wandel der Intensität
c) Wandel des Agrarlandes
2) Wandel des landwirtschaftlichen Betriebs
a) Wandel der Betriebsgröße
b) Wandel der Arbeitskraft und die Mechanisierung
c) Organisierung der Landwirtschaft
3) Entwicklung der Nebenarbeit
4) Wandel des landwirtschaftlichen Einkommens
5) Räumliche Unterschied der Agrarlandschaft
a) Unterschied nach der Entfernung von dem Stadtzentrum
b) Unterschied nach dem Charakter der Dörfer
II. Einige Vergleich mit den Stadtrandgebieten von Hamburg
Aus I und II können die Forschungsaufgaben der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten im folgenden zusammengefaßt werden.
1. Unter der Entwicklung und der Erweiterung der Verstädterung sind die verschiedenen Landnutzungsformen und die Arbeitskraftstruktur erschienen. Daher wurden die neuen Begriffe wie Shigaichi-Nogyo (verstädterte Landwirtschaft) und Toshiken-Nogyo (Landwirtschaft in den Großstadtregionen) gebildet.
Für die Vorkommen der neuen Erscheinungen in den Stadtrandgebieten sollen neue Begriffe geschafft werden. Aber man muß zuerst den Begriff, die Agrarlandschaft der Standtrandgebieten, klarmachen, um die von den unbestimmten Begriffe verursachten Unordnung zu beseitigen.
2. Von der Agrarlandschaft in den Stadtrandgebieten müssen die folgenden Tatsachen diskutiert werden: der Wandel der Feldfrucht und Viehsorten eines landwirtschaftlichen Betriebs und ihre räumliche Unterschied, der Zusammenhang zwischen Theorie von Thünen und Sinclare, der Zusammenhang zwischen Wandel der Betriebsgröße und Verstädterung, der Zusammenhang zwischen Betriebsgröße und Arbeitstruktur, Mechanisierung, der Zusammenhang zwischen landwirtschaftlichem Organisierung und Verstädterung, die räumliche Unterschied der Agrarlandschaft und ihre Ursache, der Zusammenhang zwischen Nebenarbeitstruktur und landwirtschaftlichem Betrieb, besonders Betriebsgröße und Arbeitskraft, die Arten und Verbreitungen der Nebenarbeiten

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