The purpose of the present paper is to evaluate the influence of economic level of origin and destination on migration by an unconstrained gravity model (formula 2). The data are gross inter-prefectural migration figures of the year 1955. Personal income is used as a proxy for regional economic level.
Unfortunately, statistical data for migration are affected by the size of statistical regions. Here, statistical data are standardized by formula 3. But, the standardized data (similar to rate of migration) are not equivalent in terms of their representation because the size of origin and destination for each sample is not the same. Here, the number of samples is also corrected according to the size of origin and destination by formula 5 and 6.
First, the whole migration flow is analyzed and it is found that income of both destination and origin have a positive effect on migration (table 1). Thus we can believe that in 1955, higher income at the origin promoted the mobility of migration while the higher income at the destination has attracted migration. But the impact of income at destination was more important than that at origin.
Secondly, inter-prefectural migration is divided into four kinds by metropolitan types, i. e., from non-metropolitan to metropolitan, from metropolitan to non-metropolitan, within metropolitan and within non-metropolitan regions. Each kind of migration is analyzed and the following main findings were obtained (table 2): The migration from non-metropolitan to metropolitan is mainly dependent on the income at the destination while the contrary migration from metropolitan to non-metropolitan is affected mainly by income at origin.
Thirdly, the same analysis was made on 15 kinds of migration classified by income difference between origin and destination. Except for two groups, destination income elasticity changes from minus to plus in increasing trend while origin income elasticity from plus to minus in decreasing trend when income difference changes from minus to plus (table 3). We can also find that for those migrating from lower income regions to higher income regions, the destination income is the leading factor, while for those migrating from higher income regions to lower, the origin income becomes the main factor. Moreover, for those migrating between the same level regions the destination and origin income would play almost the same role.
Finally, the in- and out-migration for each of 46 prefectures are analyzed by a modified model (formula 8 and 12) and it is found that destination income elasticity for out-migration of one specified origin is negatively related to income of that specified origin. When income level of that specified origin reaches 110, 000 yen, the influence of income at destination becomes zero. Thus, the out-migration would be expected to become even. Similar results could also be found for in-migration (table 4).

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Trends of internal migration in Japan have shown several different stages mainly in accordance with a changing Japanese socio-economic situation. From the industrial revolution in the middle of Meiji Era to the postwar high economic growth period, the population movement from rural prefectures in peripheral regions to metropolitan prefectures in core regions had been a major migration stream, but in the 1970s a new stage of migration emerged, characterized by balancing of net migration between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas. In the 1980s the migration stream tended to reconcentrate into the large metropolitan areas, especially the Tokyo metropolitan area.
It should be noted that to date the structure of internal migration has not been revealed satisfactorily. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the structure of internal migration in the 1970s and the 1980s in the Chugoku district as a case study in terms of the spatial patterns of migration streams.
The statistics on migration employed in this paper are supplied by each prefecture in the Chugoku district (Tottori, Shimane, Okayama, Hiroshima and Yamaguchi Prefectures). These statistics have merits that cannot be derived from the popular data sources in the country: Annual Report on the Internal Migration in Japan Derived from the Basic Resident Registers and Population Census of Japan.
This paper consists of three sections. The first section reveals the migration fields in the Chugoku district. The second section examines the spatial structure and the temporal changes of inter-regional migration. The final section is devoted to examining the spatial processes of the migration between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas.
The main findings obtained are summarized as follows:
1) It can be seen that inter-regional migration in the Chugoku district is more concentrated into central cities (e. g., Hiroshima, Okayama, Fukuyama and Kurashiki) than into the three largest metropolitan areas (Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya).
2) The inter-regional migration in the Chugoku district is characterized by concentration into central cities, especially in the 1980s.
3) It is conjectured that the inter-regional migration in the Chugoku district is linked with the quantitaive and qualitative differences of job opportunities between rural and urban areas. The increasing job opportunities mainly in the central management functions sector in central cities probably exerted a strong influence on rural-to-urban migration.
4) Central cities have played an important role in internal migration since the 1970s. While these central cities absorbed population from the three metropolitan areas in the 1970s, there has been a reconcentration into the metropolitan areas in the 1980s.

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This paper seeks to review the existing geographical literature in the English-speaking countries concerned with women's employment, which has been quite a popular topic since the second half of the 1970s, and to obtain implications for Japanese geography, which has paid little attention to the subject thus far. The viewpoint here is limited to employed women workers living within metropolitan areas or their suburbs.
In the second section, the background of interests in a proliferation of the topic as an important component of gender research is sought. In this regard, the author refers to the recent tendencies, especially in metropolitan areas of these countries, of expanding female-headed households (caused by a rise of marriage and childbearing age, a decreasing birth rate and an increasing labor participation rate), an increase of poor women and the impacts of economic restructuring of labor market.
The third section, with the two sub-sections titled behavioral approach and structural approach, based on Rutherford and Wekerle's terminology, is devoted to a detailed introduction of and a brief commentary on the previous studies obtained in the English-speaking world. The former approach treats the four specific themes of commuting/ residential choice, time use, feminization of poverty' and labor market segmentation by gender, while the latter deals with the three themes of the impact of economic restructuring, feminization of poverty, and the relationship between local labor market and regional policy. It is demonstrated that the two approaches should be complementary, implying that integrating them will potentially contribute to a fuller understanding of the complicated female employment situation in segmented labor markets in the real world.
Then, in the fourth section, after a brief explanation of temporal change of Japan's labor market since the 1960s, when the women's employment rate began to rise rapidly in the context of fast economic growth, the previous literature on women's employment in the fields of economics and sociology, which expressed an earlier concern for this subject than geography in Japan, is referred to. A few papers in our discipline are also reviewed.
In the concluding section, possible future tasks in Japanese geography are discussed. Spatial aspects of women's employment and the female labor market should be elucidated by geographers, since the past studies by economists and sociologists are insufficient in a spatial sense. Moreover, although employed women workers have often been regarded as ‘homo economicus’ in economics and economic geography, such a one-sided perspective, which can lead to a view that they are the subjects of exploitation by capital, is highly dangerous in light of an increasing tendency towards individualism and a diversification of value system in current society. The first segmentation of the labor market, or division of all workers into managerials (the primary labor market) and semi-skilled or unskilled blue collar (and partially white collar) workers (the secondary labor market) has intensively been under way in the context of a changing capital accumulation toward a flexible manufacturing system. Note that most employed women workers are included in the secondary labor market. Additionally, another or ‘secondary segmentation’ (Horn-Kawashima, 1985) has also been taking place within the secondary labor market, implying a division of all employed women workers into elite and mass. Specific spatial aspects of this ‘secondary segmentation’ have remained unclarified, although those of the first one have been discussed rather minutely.

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This paper attempts to clarify the development of tourism in highland villages of central Japan. In mountainous areas of Japan, many villages changed greatly due to the decline of fuel production and the emigration of the young generation to industrialized metropolitan areas during the period of higher economic growth after the Second World War. On the other hand, this economic growth brought on the development of recreation and tourism activities owing to the growth of national income, the decrease of working hours and the development of traffic networks. This study investigates the case of Kaida-mura which is located at the foot of Mt. Ontake in the southwestern part of Nagano Prefecture, where tourist resorts have been developed based on the beautiful natural landscape and the cool climate in summer.
As a result the following main points were clarified in this paper:
1) The council of Kaida-mura established a fundamental law for the development of tourism in 1972. The object of the law was to reserve the natural landscape and to develop the tourism industry in an orderly way. Now the council office authority has an important role in regard to the development of tourism in this area.
2) Most of the visitors come in summer mainly from Nagoya, Osaka and Tokyo metropolitan regions. They usually visit in small groups and commonly use private cars as their means of travel.
3) The main tourism industry here is the accommodation business. All of the accommodations are operated on a family basis and classified into three types, that is, ryokans (Japanese style inns) and minshukus (small family operated lodges) and pensions (boarding accommodations in European style). Ryokans and minshukus are operated by local people. Their family members are sometimes engaged in other side jobs. On the other hand, the operators of pensions are newcomers from outside and engaged in this occupation on a full-time basis. They make their business possible all the year round by offering winter entertainment.
In general, the tourism industry here has not yet created on enough employment. Neverheless, it is supposed that this area has a high potential to develop more as a highland resort area in the future.

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