Analysing the construction of a ‘place of memory’ by indigenous people and the cultural and social influence of the dominant majority helps to explain the relationship between the identity of indigenous people, the past, and a place. This paper examines how the construction of a place of memory by indigenous people was influenced by the postcolonial conditions surrounding them, with special reference to Mautayama in Shinhidaka Town, Hokkaido Province, which was constructed for the commemoration of Shakushain by indigenous Ainu people. Although Mautayama was formerly a place to commemorate Shakushain, since the late 1960s it has evolved into a place of memory of the Ainu identity under the influence of the gaze of the Wajin (the Japanese majority) involving Ainu people from all regions. It has continued to be reconstructed in line with the changing ways the Ainu people have received this gaze. This process reveals the culturally and socially postcolonial circumstances of the contemporary Ainu people—who have lost their traditional culture and assimilated into the Japanese culture but have not yet been liberated from the Wajin gaze. Mautayama is a postcolonial place of memory that reflects the vestiges of colonialism among contemporary Ainu people. We must assume that there are various interpretations about these vestiges of colonialism and analyse them carefully in order to more deeply understand the construction of Mautayama as a place of memory.
This study explored the characteristics of private rental housing residents and their residential careers in Chuo ward, Tokyo. The results of the survey show that of those analyzed, 76.4% were unmarried and 16.4% were married, and more than 90% of both groups were white-collar. The residential career of the unmarried people aged 25–39, who accounted for more than half of the respondents, varied depending on their place of origin. Those from the Tokyo metropolitan area tended to move to Chuo ward from the wards or the suburbs. On the other hand, those from outside the Tokyo area tended to move to Chuo ward after moving to other wards or suburbs when they started working, or they tended to move from outside the Tokyo area to Chuo ward due to job transfer or job change. Their move to Chuo ward was the result of their decision oriented toward proximity to work and home. A comparison of residential careers of the former generations in the suburbanization era of the 1960s and 1980s with that of the post second-baby-boom generations, shows that the latter is marked by inward migration by unmarried people and rising age when unmarried people move into the city center. Providing background to the population recovery in the three central wards of Tokyo since the latter half of the 1990s, this study points out the prolonged unmarried period and the collapse of the bubble economy, which have had an effect on the residential mobilities of the post second-baby-boom generations.
This paper examines the process of establishing a care provision system at various spatial scales according to geographical conditions of the islands of Taiwan and region-specific historical background. The paper also explores issues that affect the care provision system based on care-use behaviors. On the remote Taiwanese island of Lyudao, prior to the 1990s, primary health care was provided only by the island’s public health center, and other care needs often relied on the support of care-takers’ families living in the neighborhood. However, following the late 1990s, progress in democratization resulted in the launching of a private clinic and the acceptance of Southeast Asian home-care workers to provide elderly care and daily living support. Thus, the care provision system on the island has been maintained by wide-area and multi-layered governance comprising multiple actors from a local to a global scale. However, the Taiwanese government has been reluctant to introduce remote image diagnosis and an emergency transport system to overcome temporal and geographical constraints. The examination of care-use behaviors revealed that, on the one hand, the families of care-takers or a foreign workforce provide home-care within the island. On the other hand, receiving medical attention off the island entails taking administrative leave from work or family fragmentation. Local care governance comprises actors that alternate or supplement the role of the government and is closely related to the historical background of Lyudao Island in addition to care norms inherent to Taiwan. Simultaneously, it has become obvious that local care governance faces challenges to make legislation to protect the human rights of foreign care workers and to develop a system to provide comprehensive care within local communities.