A lot of anthropologists, historians and geographers have researched on traditional markets in China. The writer himself has reported on periodical markets in Hopei Province, Northern China (Geogr. Rev. of Japan, Vol.43, No.4, 1973 & Maizner Geographischen Studien, Heft 10, 1976). Nevertheless, we can see only few studies on markets in East-Central China (Kiangsu, Chekiang & Anhwei Provinces) which has been long time the most developed region in China. In this paper the writer examines comprehensively the traditional markets there during Ming (1368-1662), Ch'ing (1663-1911) and Min-Kuo (1912-1948) periods. He investigated many data obtained from more than five hundreds local gazetteers available at the some main libraries in Japan. The results are as follow:
1. In the local gazetteers of East-Central China all the markets, periodic or daily, are generally called “shi”. But in northern parts of the region the periodical markets are called “chi”, being distinguished from the daily ones. On the other hand the markets in southern parts are called “hsü” in the rare cases as like as in South China.
2. The market week is “hsün” (decade) in the region. Another market week: the twelve chih (branches) is seen in the rare cases. The markets are generally held twice or three times per a decade. But daily markets are dominant in and around the Yangtze delta. The frequency of markets increased during these periods. The market days trend to be arranged uniformly on each days of a decade.
3. The distribution density of markets or market towns is little different from that of the other parts in China. But it is higher in and around the Yangtze delta, and correlates the density of population through the all region. As for the spatial arrangement of markets or market towns, the uniform pattern are found in the two hsiens (counties) by the Nearest Neighbour Analysis.
4. The dimensions of market regions decreased during the periods. Therefore the average radius became shorter from 7-8km in Ming period to 4-5km in Min-Kuo period. The former is equivalent to a day's journey of going, marketing and returning, the latter to a half day's one. The peasants could go and market every early morning in the area with the highest density of markets. The average population per a market region is 10 to 20 thousands as like as in the other parts of China.
5. From a gazetteer of Yin-hsien (Chekiang Province) the writer could distinguish four classes of the settlements with markets. From a gazetteer of Chiating-hsien (Kiangsu Province) he could do four classes of central places and three of markets, too. Markets and market towns are spatially arranged with the structure of hierarchy.
6. Many gazetteers tell us that almost all of central places have had the traditional markets during the periods. It is confirmed from the data of Yin-hsien that frequency of market correlate the scale of settlement with market. From the data of Chiating-hsien, such a correlation is ascertained between the functional class of market and the scale of settlement with market. Consequently it is concluded that the traditional markets have played an important role in the development of central places.

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The spatial segregation of the “Gastarbeiter population” (foreign workers and their families from the countries around the Mediterranean) has become one of the current social issues in West Germany since 1973. In response to the social significance of this phenomenon various investigations have been made. But little research has given attention to problems such as the formation of the spatial segregation, its possible developments and the consequent changes in urban spatial form.
The purpose of the present paper is to describe the spatial form of segregation of the “Gastarbeiter population” in Munich and its changes, and to explain the phenomena by means of examination of the social processes involved.
The concept of spatial segregation is defined as an unequal distribution of a group in relation to one group over given area. In order to show its spatial form, the author adopted a method of calculating the residential location quotient for each national group in each Munich ward and mapping its results. These are computed as follows:
residential location quotient=a_i/b_i/A/B×100
where a_i is population of a group A in a ward i,
A is the total population of a group A in Munich,
b_i is the total population in a ward i,
and B is the total population in Munich.
The results are shown in the figures 2-13. The spatial form of segregation of foreigners in total in the year 1969 is characterized by concentration in the Munich periphery as well as in the inner city. In the year 1978 they were concentrated only in the latter.
Although each “Gastarbeiter population” displayed a peculiar spatial form of segregation by nationality, we can point out that they evidenced more or less similar characteristics not only in their distribution but also in their mobility. But Austrians who do not belong to the “Gastarbeiter population” showed a different tendency. Already in 1971, they were concentrated almost exclusively in the inner city; since then they have dispersed more and more all over the municipal area of Munich.
The spatial form of and its change in segregation of the “Gastarbeiter population” mentioned above came about through the housing conditions available to them. There are two channels of housing for them: accommodation by employers and the private housing market. Accommodation facilities which are provided by employers are usually located in or near a factory site. In the process of economic growth, factories came to be located on the periphery of Munich, so that the concentration of the “Gastarbeiter population” was marked there around 1970. Immediately after the Gastarbeiter are recruited through the Bundesanstalt für Arbeit (Federal Labour Office), they live first in the company dormitory. Because of the recession the recruiting of new Gastarbeiter has been suspended since. November 1973. On the other hand, the physical and social conditions in the company dormitories are not good, so that the Gastarbeiter tend to move out of them. Thus the importance of dormitories as housing for Gastarbeiter became reduced.
On the contrary the private housing market has come to play a more and more important role, especially since the Gastarbeiter must have recourse to it when they are joined by their families. Because of their lower wage and desire to save as much money as possible they demand dwellings of low-rent housing, which is concentrated in the inner city as Figure 14 shows. But it does not mean that the “Gastarbeiter population” have gotten dwellings of lower rent in a real sense. They are forced to pay higher rent than German tenants for dwellings of equal conditions (Table 5).

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