The European agricultural revolution has been regarded as a classical model of agricultural development even in the rest of the world. A major concern of the model lies in improvement of livestock-crop linkage through better ratation systems and in this perspective, that is a driving force towards agricultural evolution. With regard to Japanese traditional agriculture, although the linkage has been less important than that in its Western European counterpart, a similarity between the two in terms of methods to maintain soil fertility is certainly observed. This is the reason why the classical model, stemming from Western Europe, has greatly affected the way of understanding and explaining agricultural development in Japan during the past decades, and the comparative viewpoint of farming systems, based on this model, has implicitly or explicitly, provided a firm background for comparing a variety of agricultural systems in physically and culturally different environments.
Unlike the Japanese system, indigenous farming systems observed in Southwest Asia have a tradition of livestock-crop linkage similar to Europe, although the distribution of mixed agriculture in the former area is rather limited. It has been considered, however, that some conditions in Southwest Asia, including the dry climate may hinder the European-type evolution of the farming system from the three-field system to mixed agriculture (or Dreifelderwirtschaft to Fruchtwechselwristchaft through Feldgrasswirtschaft). It is also widely observed that there must be a close economic relationship between pastoralists and agricultural farmers. This paper seeks to theoretically explore the agro-pastoral linkage in the aforementioned geographical and social dimensions, based on an analysis of livestock types and the breeding system in the case of Ladakh, Northern India (see Figure 4).
The second section, focusing upon the existing literature of farming systems published in Japan, is devoted to reexamining the classical model concerned with the European experince of farming development from a geoecological standpoint. The model has the limitation that, given its underlying assumptions, it is applicable within only identical ecological niches. Thus, the case of Ladakh concering this issue is reported and investigated in the third through fifth sections.
In Ladakh, many kinds of domestic animals are reared in various ecological niches. Moreover, the altitudinal range, mobility of the grazing herds, and the role of livestock in the local subsistence economy differ widely by livestock type. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that biological characteristics of livestock types and related natural conditions are the sole determinants which decide these varied agro-pastoral linkages. This is because regional and histrical variations in the breeding systems and their role in the local economy can be observed, implying economic and cultural influences of livestock breeders. In other words, changes in the livestock's role must be affected by not only natural conditions of land and availability of feed, but also the local technology level and the economic system, although such changes could also be found in the development process of mixed agriculture in Europe.
Detailed analysis of livestock types and the herd composion leads us to understand a very complicated local technology associated with environmental use: the diverse functional differentiation by livestock type appears under the influence of the coexistense of different ecological niches even within a village area, due to the extreme natural conditions both in terms of dryness, high altitude and so on. In this context, it is quite difficult to apply the stereo typed, conventionary evolutionary model arising from the Western European experience of the agricultural revolution to the study area under consideration, and to gain clues about possible developments in native technology in the future.

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Many mountain settlements in Japan have experienced rapid decreases of population since the beginning of the high economic growth period. In previous geographical studies of depopulated areas, the main concerns were to reveal the primary factors responsible for depopulation and to describe either the change of population or the industrial structure of the depopulated settlements. Though thirty years have already passed since depopulation was first regarded as a serious problem, few studies have considered regional segregation or differences in the depopulation processes. Hence it should be necessary to reveal regional differences in depopulation and the mechanisms which cause these differences as well.
The purpose of this paper is to make clear the regional differences in the depopulation processes in mountain settlements of Hiroshima Prefecture and to analyze the mechanisms of increasing regional differences in depopulation processes by using data of the settlements' population and its change. This is because population change is understood as the origin of depopulation problems and the criterion for the degree for depopulation. The statistics on settlements' population change employed in this paper is supplied from Investigation of Settlements in depopulated Areas. These statistics are very valuable data as they show the population change from 1960 to 1990 of each settlements.
The main results obtained are summarized as follows:
1) In the depopulated areas of Hiroshima Prefecture, the spatial patterns of depopulation processes show two zones. One is a gradually depopulating zone, and the other is a drastic one that shows there are remarkable differences of population change among each settlement. From the spatial differences obtained above, there are conspicuous differences in the depopulation processes among the regions or settlements that have been all considered heretofore as the same mountain settlements.
2) As a result of multiple regression analyses to estimate the factors causing depopulation, the author introduced six depopulation factors into the formula. This suggests that the distance from each settlement to the town office is the most important factor in the settlements' depopulation, while the agricultural factors are not so important.
3) The regional differences in depopulation are caused by various factors in each area. The municipalities can be divided into four types by the reasons for depopulation. These types form the zonal structure. This structure is defined mainly by the distance from urban areas like Hiroshima, Fukuyama, and Miyoshi.
4) The local authorities can be divided into two types according to the difference of population change among settlements. In one type, the differences in depopulation among settlements is remarkable, and in the other this is not so. The former is likely to be located in mountainous areas and in these local authorities public investments are concentrated around the settlements where the town offices are located. The latter type is located on the plateaus or near the plains and their areas are small, which makes town-office settlements not so advantageous.
5) The factors which caused the differences in the depopulation processes form a dual structure which consists of the district level centered on urban areas and the local authority level centered on town-office settlements. The population change of the depopulated areas so far has been restricted by this dual structure and the location of settlements has caused the differences in the mechanisms of depopulation.

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Thünen's“location theory”of agriculture is one of the basic principles in geography and economics. In this theory a visionary uniform space called“The Isolated State (Der isolierte Staat)”has already been established. This isolated state is 50 miles (deutsche meile; about 375km) in diameter, and the agricultural zones are arranged in a concentric circle. In the center only one large city is located, and the concentric circles of agriculture are, from inside, free agriculture (die freie Wirtschaft), forestry (Forstwirtschaft), crop rotation system agriculture (Fruchtwechselwirtschaft), field-grass agriculture (Koppelwirtschaft), three-field system (Dreifelderwirtschaft) and cattle breeding and dairy (Viehzucht). The boundary distances of each type outward from the large city are 4, 7, 24.7, and 31.5 miles respectively.
In this article, I tried to reexamine the structure of Thünen's circles according to Thünen's logical point of view. The basic conditions are as follows: the farm acreage is 100, 000 square Rutes (217ha), the rye crop yield per 100 square Rutes is 8 Sheffels, and the price of 1 Sheffel of rye is 1.5 Taler at the city.
The main problem is the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system. Thünen says that a crop of 8 Sheffels in the Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 6.72 Sheffels in the three-field system. In the case of the Koppelwirtschaft divided into seven, the acreage of one section is about 14, 300 square Rutes, and in the three-field system, the acreage of one field is 12, 000 square Rutes (fields, 36, 000; permanent pasture, 64, 000). According to this, in the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system, the total fertilizer given to the rye fields increase 1.17 times. This indicates a larger increase of rye crop in the three-field system than in Koppelwirtschaft. In my calculation, 8 Sheffels in Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 8.42 Sheffels in the three-field system.
If this is true, the“Landrente”(bid rent) of Koppelwirtschaft is 1, 111 Taler, while the Landrente of the three-field system is 1, 137 Taler; and the dominance of Koppelwirtschaft is overthrown. In Thünen's circles, the Koppelwirtschaft would be replaced by the three-field system, and have to disappear. As a result, in my calculation, the structure of Thünen's circles consists of free agriculture, forestry, three-field system, and cattle breeding and dairy. The distances from the large city should be revised to 4, 7, and 33 miles respectively.

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The geography of tourism in Japan substantially began during the 1960's. At that time, tourism development spreading to rural area, was very marked. But, as it was just a speculative boom, tourism study has forced to staguate since then. The so-called ‘Resort Boom’ in the late 1980's, however, stimulated tourism study again, so that it brought about remarkable phenomena not only at a regional scale, but also at a national one. As a natural consequence, this boom subsided because it was also a speculative one. The geography of tourism in Japan today is now adrift just as it was 20 years ago. Now is a turning point, to see whether the geography of tourism in Japan will more towards a stagnation again or not.
From a broad point of view, this paper, considering geography of tourism not only as a representation of tourism phenomena but also as a socia science, aims to inquire whether geography of tourism in Japan has any raison d'être the after ‘Resort Boom’. For this purpose, first of all, the author examines the problems and the socio-economic circumstances the in geography of tourism while comparing Angle-American studies with the Japanese ones.
The subjects of Angle-American studies on geography of tourism can be generally classified as follows:
(a) Tourist recognition of tourist areas and tourism resources, and tourist behavior.
(b) Tourist flow analysis.
(c) Location of tourism industries.
(d) Tourism development.
(e) Impacts of tourism on economy, society, culture and natural environment.
(f) Evaluation of resources and landscape as tourist attractions.
(g) Tourism planning and regulation.
One of the features in these studies is that the each subject is divided according to geographical aspects of tourism while keeping in close contact with others. The other is that all the subjects show a strong intent for practical use within the limits of the results. Tourism development in Anglo-America except U.S.A., where soft tourism and political influence are dominant, may affect the strong practical intentions and the scholarly divisions of labor shaping holistic perspectives. As compared with the currents of human geography in Anglo-America, however, almost all the studies consisting of empirical research such as morphology, positivism or behaviorism still remain at the previous level of the 1960's or 1970's.
As for the geography of tourism in Japan before ‘Resort Boom’, there are five research divisions as follows:
(1) Analyses and descriptions of tourist flow and recreation facilities.
(2) Distribution of tourist areas.
(3) Locational development and development process of tourism areas.
(4) Tourism development as a factor in regional development.
(5) Tourism resources analysis.
The political framework and regulations on tourism in Japan, unlike Anglo-America, has been, as it were, laissez-faire, and private companies have taken the lead in tourism development. Also, tourism development by private companies and their effects on a region have inevitably caught geographer's attention. The main currents were in (3) and (4) above, and the remaining research divisions were evaluated as subsideries. Compared with Anglo-America, Japanese studies have a good point concentrating on historical perspective, but they could hardly deal with the social and environmental problems because studies on the impacts on natural environment, planning and regulation were very few due to a lack of philosophy and social theory. Until the middle 1980's, the geography of tourism in Japan was generally inactive, and there was little controversy. In the late 1980's, studies on tourism development, its impact and relevant policy have appeared one after another in the context of the ‘Resort Boom’. They however are still an extension of the existing empirical perspectives.

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This paper is a study of the Japanese in Hawaii who emigrated to work since the early Meiji Era. The methods of study and the results of the analysis are as follows:
1. The resident distribution of Japanese immigrants in Hawaii and the structure of the population, classified according to birthplace, in each residence are analyzed using The Hawaii-Japanese Annual. “THE NIPPU JIJI, THE HAWAII-JAPANESE ANNUAL & DIRECTORY 1929” was used as basic material, and the number of people from each prefecture in Japan was counted residence by residence. First, in the case of the resident distribution, the number of residents in each island and, in addition, the number of residents in each section of each island was determined. On the basis of these results, a resident distribution map was made and then it was compared with the distribution map of Japanese schools, organizations, churches, etc. Consequently, it became clear that the resident distribution was closely related to the position of sugarcane fields where many Japanese worked. Second, with respect to the number of people classified according to birthplace, for all of Hawaii the highest number came from Hiroshima Prefecture, followed by Yamaguchi, Kumamoto, Okinawa, and Fukuoka Prefectures, respectively. This emphasizes the fact that there were many people from the southwest prefectures of Japan. Analyzed by island, it is noticeable that the number of people from Okinawa Prefecture was the second highest on Maui and the number from Kumamoto Prefecture was the second highest on Hawaii (the Big Island). Then, in each section, a study was done of all the prefectures people came from to determine which prefecture had the highest number of people. As a result, it was discovered that people from Yamaguchi Prefecture tended to disperse evenly, while, on the other hand, people from Okinawa Prefecture were likely to live communally within a section.
2. To find the reason why many people from each prefecture lived in their particular sections, the relationship between the birthplace of the Japanese workers and the fields where they worked during the time of Japanese government contract labor emigrants (when the first mass emigration into Hawaii occurred) was made clear with Japanese Foreign Ministry documents. Then this was compared with the distribution in 1929, mentioned in No. 1, and to what extent changes occurred became clear.
3. To examine the population movement during the time between 1885 and 1929, the course which people took while moving was investigated on the basis of the records of personal life history. Although only ten people were examined, it was discovered that people changed their residences three times on the average, and they did not have a tendency to settle.

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