Japanese Journal of Human Geography
Online ISSN : 1883-4086
Print ISSN : 0018-7216
ISSN-L : 0018-7216
Volume 36, Issue 2
Displaying 1-10 of 10 articles from this issue
  • Static and time-serial analysis
    Kazuko TANAKA
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 97-110
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Social geographers have extended their research frontiers into urban crime problems which have previously been studied by both criminologists and sociologists. They have tried to explore spatial dimensions of crime problems by associating their findings with the research results of social area analysis conducted by factorial ecologists, and have tried to propose policy implications for improvement of problem areas. However, there remain some critical points so be carefully examined, as is generally admited in the studies carried out by criminologists and sociologists as well. They are as follows;
    1) Ambiguity in the definition of urban crime: In the present paper, urban crimes are defined as those which are highly concentrated in urban areas. As typical urban crimes, we select murder and burglary, theft, and violence.
    2) The nature of crime data used for analysis: Most of the previous studies conducted in United States and Western Europe rely on the available crime data which are compiled from the places of residences of criminals, rather than places of occurrences of crimes. The data based on places of occurrences are more desirable for map pattern analysis of urban crimes and urban activities.
    Crime statistics appropriate to geographical analysis are not available in Japan, for they are tabulated by larger areal units than municipal wards in for example Osaka City, the present study area. The data on the places of occurrences were collected by refering to newspaper articles on crimes commited in Osaka City every five years from 1960 through 1980. Crime data thus obtained were plotted into 1, 010 meshes (500×500 meters) covering the whole city.
    The present article has three major research objectives as outlined below;
    [A]Detecting spatial patterns of crime distribution and pattern comparison of crime occurrences and urban activities.
    [B]Time-serial analysis of spatial patterns of crime occurrences from 1960 through 1980 with particular reference to the changes of demographic and socio-economic structure of the city.
    [C]Comparison of the results secured by the above analyses with ‘crime area’ studies of American and European cities.
    The results obtained are as follows:
    [A] In explaining the concentration of urban crimes in particular areas, we pay keen attention to the socio-economic characteristics observed in daytime and nighttime activities in those areas. (i) The spatial pattern of murder and burglary is characterized by the contrast between a blank zone in the C. B. D. area and concentration in downtown quarters with amusement facilities and railway terminuses, slums, and mixed land-use areas. Thus, the spatial pattern of murder and burglary has closer relations with that of nighttime residential activities than that of daytime economic activities. (ii) The spatial pattern of theft shows strong concentration in the downtown quarters mentioned above and mixed land-use areas on the periphery of the city. (iii) Violence is clustered around the downtown quarter located in the southern part of the city.
    [B]For the time-serial study, we confined our analysis to murder and burglary which provide the most reliable data, for we can pick up nearly all of their occurrence through newspaper articles. Their spatial pattern has drastically changed during the last two decades. Their changes can be summed up as a sharp decrease in both numbers and their concentration in the particular meshes. Especially, the decrease in the mixed land-use area is remarkable. It began in 1965 and has continued since then. Some of the afffecting factors are: 1. decrease of the total population of Osaka City, particularly in the central zone, 2. decrease of mixed land-use reflecting separation of residence and working place, 3. increase of per capita incomes following the rapid growth of the Japanese economy
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  • Focusing Mainly on Multipurpose Trips
    Yoshiki WAKABAYASHI
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 111-130
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Most of the studies on travel patterns in behavioral geography have been done assuming single purpose trips. Recently, however, some attempts to explain human spatial behavior pay attention to multipurpose trips from the viewpoint of comprehensive explanation of actual behavior. These studies emphasize the importance of the temporal dimension. Paying attention to this trend, this paper examines the patterns of daily travel behavior, focusing upon multipurpose trips, through considering the relationship between cyclic trip patterns (i. e. home-to-home circuit) and the daily trip patterns of individuals, and the influence of accessibility and travel-activity time on multipurpose trips.
    The data used in this study are based on the personal trip survey conducted by the prefectural government in the city region of Hiroshima in 1978. The trip patterns are classified by the number of trips in each cycles, the sequence of activities, and the combination of cycles with that of trips per day, indicated by “B(a, b)”, where “a” refers to the number of cycles carried out per day and “b”refers to the number of trips carried out per day.
    The results obtained are as follows:
    (1) Multipurpose trips comprise 18.3 percent of all the cycles. The rate of multipurpose trips varies according to the characteristics of individuals due to the degree of obligation for activities they carry out.
    (2) The four main trip patterns, B(1, 2), B(1, 3), B(1, 4), B(2, 4), comprise more than nine-tenths of all the trips by individuals (Fig. 2). Relating the trip patterns by individuals to those of cycles, the more trips are contained in a cycle or the greater the degree of obligation for activities is, the fewer patterns occur with more than one cycle per day (Table. 7).
    (3) A positive correlation is detected between the rate of multipurpose trips and the accessibility from the destination of the first trip to other establishments. The relationship between the rate of multipurpose trips and the accessibility from the residence to other establishments, however, is more complicated. That is, as for the areas where the accessibilities are very high, the rate of mulpurpose trips decreases with the accessibility, although the rate has positive correlation with accessibility generally (Fig. 4).
    (4) Based on the combination of activities, a hypothesis for the generation of multipurpose trips is proposed and partly supported (Table. 8). The hypothesis is as follows;
    1) In cycles consisting of discretionary activities, travel time per stop in a multipurpose trip is shorter than that in single purpose trip, due to the principle of least effort.
    2) In cycles combining obligatory activities with discretionary ones, the longer the time of obligatory stay and movement, the fewer multipurpose trips occur, since obligatory activities have an effect on discretionary ones as constraints.
    3) The cycles consisting of business activities are highly influenced by the nature of occupation, so that the rate of multipurpose trips varies according to the occupation.
    As for unemployed housewives and employed housewives, however, the travel time of the first trip in each cycle and average travel time per stop are respectively related to multipurpose trips.
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  • Reading the Revelations of Another Culture
    Iwao MAIDA
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 131-151
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Their Developments and Their Residential Structure
    Yoshimichi YUI
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 152-170
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Housing estates have played an important role in suburbanization. Their residents form not natural communities but human ones. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the formation process of housing estates and their residential structure in Hiroshima City.
    The developing process of housing estates in Hiroshima City is divided into three periods; the first period (before 1969), the second period (1970-74), the third period (after 1975). During the first period, most of the housing estates were developed in neighbourhoods of the built-up area within 10km of the city center. Many of them were small-scale, less than 100 houses, and were constructed by public enterprises or landowners. In the second period, many private enterprises started to construct large-size housing estates in suburbs more than 10km from the city center. In the third period, housing estates have been developed either in the neighbourhoods of built-up areas, or in suburbs far from the city center. In the neighbourhoods of built-up areas, new housing estates are contiguous to established ones. On the other hand, new housing estates are also constructed in isolated blocks in the suburbs. So housing estates have been accumulating in the more accessible areas. While large-scale housing estates in suburbs form independent communities by establishing schools, hospitals, parks and stores, the old small-scale housing estates depended on the existing urbanized areas for such services.
    Residential structure of housing estates was analyzed by the method of factorial ecology. Using 43 variables which represent residential characteristics, 5 factors were derived: the condition of housing, family status, the state of employment, socio-economic status, family size. Their spatial patterns display a concentric structure. The neighbourhoods of built-up areas show different characteristics from suburbs. Thus in the neighbourhoods of built-up areas, middle-age households where the breadwinner is engaged in white collar occupations live in small rental houses with teen-aged children. In suburbs where many of the new housing estates are located, younger households with a breadwinner engaged in blue-collar occupations live in large houses with young children (Fig. 12).
    Residents in housing estates can be thought of as specific social classes which are homogeneous groups within the city. Their residential structure shows a clearer spatial pattern than other types of housing in the urban areas. Because the housing space of housing estates clearly reflects economic status, their families' status reflects the respective times of their development.
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  • An Analysis of Hand Drawn Maps
    Izumi KAMBE
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 171-179
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 180-183
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 183-184
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 184-186
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 186-188
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1984 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 188-190
    Published: April 28, 1984
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (450K)
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