The Meiko Center is a motor pool owned by Toyota Automobiles. It is the oldest one there and a central point of export. On the other hand the establishment of motor pools in Kinjo and Nishiyonku is comparatively recent, run by port shippers, and the property is leased from the Nagoya Port Authority. There is a public quay in this area, so it in particular is used by many automobile manufactures.
Securing of the lot is an important condition for formation of a motor pool, and it is necessary to know the conditions of land ownership. The three kinds of the land ownership are: where the property is owned by the automobile company, where the property is leased from the Nagoya Port Authority, or where the property is leased from other private companies. The land consists of seaside reclained land, and the lots leased from the Nagoya Port Authority or from private companies are temporarily-leased unused land. In the above cases, the existence of unused land owned by the Nagoya Port Authority is the results of delays in carrying-out the land use plan.
Assembly factories prefer, in principal, the port motor pool nearest to them. The motor pool for in-coming freight at Nagoya Port is necessary for those whose assembly factories are far away and whose freight is large. There is a hierarchial order in the distribution relations among motor pools: with the Meiko Center as a core, Kinjo Area second, and other areas following them. The distribution area from Toyota's Nagoya Port motor pool for domestic use extend to 400km.

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Research on seasonal labour migrants (“dekasegi”) has been one of the important themes in Geography. In Japan, much work has accumulated since the 1930s. Such labour migrants have various occupations, and thus it has not easy to classify them. The author has attempted to classify migrant groups into those occupations which require skills and those which do not. The former includes“Toji”, “Urushi-kaki”, blacksmiths, etc.. The latter includes factory workers and construction workers. The criterion of this classification is whether in some period in the worker's life history a period for mastering the technology of his handicraft was needed or not.
Although there have been many papers on this theme, they are limited to the economic sphere. Certainly, this phenomenon is linked to the economic conditions. The reasons why such workers leave their native place is to earn some money for their family. But in the case of those occupations which require skills, the socio-cultural aspects cannot be ignored in observing human spatial behavior and the communication of traditional technology to the younger generations.
The author has investigated the group structure of migrant craftsmen and elucidated their areal expansion. A group of blacksmiths called“Kishu-Kaji”was selected as an example. Needless to say, blacksmiths in rural areas make farming tools of iron such as hoes and sickles.
We can summarize our results as follows:
(1) The origin of these seasonal migrant blacksmiths can be dated from the Edo Period. In modern times, many of them have settled at their worksites. Nowadays they are obliged to cease working, because of mechanization in agriculture and the spread of cheaper farming tools made in factories.
The distribution of“Kishu-Kaji”is recognized throughout the Kinki District. Their native place is in Hidaka-County, Wakayama Prefecture.
(2) In the case of Haneta village in Minabe town there had been a group of craftsmen since the Edo Period called“Ebisu-ko”. This group left some documents about its regulations, the names of its members, and so on.
Based upon these documents and the results of fieldwork by the author, we can see the historical changes of group structure and behaviour patterns.
(3) The number of members had been decreasing since 1880, and the group had vanished after the World War II. During the process of decline, areal expansion is typified by the younger generation taking advantage of the worksites of the older generation as a bridgehead and a place to gather information about suitable worksites. In this context, the regulations of 1880 and 1881 represent the conflict between the younger generation, seeking suitable work places and the older who had already established worksites and service areas.
(4) In this migration, the unit of decision-making was the family. Also, in the process of communicating the techniques and traditions of the craft and its lifestyle the family plays an important role. In other words, successive generations in the family are the carriers of tradition. The process of distribution of“Kishu-Kaji”can be explained by the various decisions made in the family cycle.
(5) Most of the working places of migrant blacksmiths from Haneta village are north of the Kizu River and the Yodo River. This can be easily seen from the documents of the“Ebisu-ko”and the results of fieldwork.
A correlation between the areas of origin and the areas of setttement can recognized to some degree. This is because the information exchange network was limited and local to some extent.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the regional structure of Japanese agriculture in terms of part-time farming. For this purpose, the writer made up a matrix of the characteristcis of part-time farming by 3, 199 unit areas (shi, cho, son) in Japan. Factor analysis was then applied to this matrix. The mapping of the factor scores suggests the regional structure of part-time farming.
Consequently, four regional distribution patterns were distinguished with regard to the regional structure of part-time farming in 1960 (Figs. 1-4), and four regional distribution patterns were distinguished with regard to the regional structure of part-time farming in 1980 (Figs. 5-8).
Next, the relationships among these spatial patterns were examined by canonical analysis. Four statistically significant relationships were recognized between the regional structure of part-time farming in 1960 and that in 1980. The results are summarized as follows;
1) Those regions with a larger percentage of full-time farmers in 1960, had become by 1980 regions with a larger percentage of full-time farmers and side-business types of farming (where income is mainly earned from farming), or with farmers continuously employed in non-agricultural jobs. And those regions with a larger percentage of side-business types of farming in 1940 (where income is mainly earned from other activities) had become regions with a larger percentage of the farmers engaged in part-time fishing, or farmers going to other regions to work (whose earnings come mainly from non-agricultural jobs).
2) Those regions with a larger percentage of the farmers engaged in part-time forestry or as day-laborers (receiving earnings mainly from non-agricultural jobs) in 1960, had become in 1980 regions with a larger percentage of full-time farmers, farmers engaged in part-time forestry or as day laborers, and farmers going to other regions to work (mainly at non-agricultural jobs). These regions with a larger percentage of farmers continuously employed in non-agricultural jobs became regions with a larger percentage of farmers having their own enterprises and farmers continuously employed in non-agricultural jobs (as the principal source of their income).
3) Those regions with a larger percentage of the farmers engaged in part-time fishing, going to other regions to work, or self-employed (and receiving their main income from such work) had become regions with a larger percentage of the farmers engaged in part-time fishing and going to other regions to work.
4) Those regions with a larger percentage of the farmers engaged in part-time fishing or self-employed, had become regions with a larger percentage of the farmers self-employed in their own enterprises.

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The Mongolian word otor means a herding camp separated from a home base camp. The movement of animals to the herding camp is also called otor, and is directed by the herdsmen only while other family members remain at the home base camp. So, we can translate the core meaning of otor as referring to transhumance.
While sedentarization is necessary for pastoral nomads to obtain social and cultural services, they are forced to move more often than they previously did in order to intensify the use of pastures. It is transhumance or otor that enables them simultaneously to achive a sedentary life while changing pastures frequently to increase production. In recent years, sedentarization is changing the form of otor journeys from extra movement added to seasonal ones between summer and winter camps into more purely seasonal ones around temporary settlements.
Untill recently otor of horses has been the most popular. In winter, except for a few kept for riding, horses are not necessarily kept near the home base camp. And they are ideally taken far from the home base camp to reserve pastures for other animals. In winter when the conditions of pastures deteriorate, it is more desirable to remove the horses away than in any other season. From descriptions about Inner Asian pastoral nomads, we can cite many examples of otor, which refer to the herding of horses to distant pastures separated from winter camps. Winter otor of horses usually exploits the pastures not suitable for summer use, for example those which are swampy or sandy.
Natural hazards, known as zod (blizzard) or gan (drought), often cause otor journeys to distant pastures.
In addition to these otor journeys, another type of otor is becoming prominent. This is frequent movement of sheep herds at short intervals and short distances in summer, in order to intensify the use of pastures. Manuals about pastoralism and sedentarization cite many instances of this type of otor.
A form of otor known as örgön alisalt is projected as a model in these manuals. About 5 households, each head of which controls the same kind of animals, come together to the base camp. Herdsmen take animals to pastures leaving family members at the base camp, which is now a settlement though not permanent. Wives and elders take care of sick or weak animals which have been left behind.
The manual about overcoming problems of zod records 11 cases of otor, most of which are summer herding of sheep. They emphasize that frequent movement in summer resulted in overcoming severe winter weather without a loss of animals, due to their improved health.
One case of this is otor of ewe herds after lambing. They are separated from the base camp even in summer. This case suggests that milking of ewes is diminishing and that sheep raising is being specialized for mutton and wool, while cattle husbandry is mainly dairy farming. This type of otor is the symbol of change from pastoral nomadism into stock farming which still retains nomadic characteristics.
Otor is a key word in understanding the present realities of Mongolian pastoralism.

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In this paper a new formal approach has been offered to assist in the comparison and selection of a policy for a rural region, given a set of feasible policies. The specific policy problem which is addressed concerns the selection of locations for a public facility (for example, a school or a health centre) given a set of feasible locations in a rural region. The good is only available at the chosen locations. The introduction to the paper provides a review on the role of quantitative evaluation in rural policy making. It is argued that a complete evaluation of a public location policy should include both public and private costs which are incurred in the provision and consumption of public goods and services. Comments on some recent social choice literature are offered.
The approach involves the analysis of an impact matrix using concordance and multi-dimension scaling techniques. The matrix contains information on the set of alternate locations and the impacts on a set of criteria. The criteria refer to equity and efficiency effects. The analysis allows a classification of the alternate locations, and by incorporating an ideal or hypothetical location into the initial matrix, the classification can be interpreted to identify the relative attractiveness of the locations. To illustrate this approach a hypothetical example is used. Given arural region and a set of five settlements, the problem is to identify the best set of three settlements to receive a public facility. The set of five is derived intuitively from a larger set of twenty settlements. For each location a set of seven criteria are used. The analysis indicates that, of the tenpolicies, two appear to be most satisfactory. For these policies the settlements which receive facilities are identified.
In conclusion it should be noted that this approach allows a variety of data to be included and a number of sensitivity analyses can be conducted. The purpose is to improve the quality of the debate among interested parties on the search for appropriate locations for public facilities in rural areas.

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