Regional income disparities are one of the most important topics in the disciplines of economic geography, regional science and economics. The well-known study by Williamson (1965) made clear that they follow an inverted U-shape curve temporally, implying that disparities diverge in an early phase and then converge in a later phase. In the 1980's, however, advanced capitalist countries experienced a divergence or slowing-down of convergence in regional income disparities. These new trends have recently stimulated theoretical and empirical investigations on this theme. This paper, taking up the Canadian experience in the postwar period, seeks to elucidate minute temporal changes in the income disparities and to explain it.
To begin with, theoretical standpoints in the existing literature are outlined. As is well known, there are three dominant perspectives on this theme: the equilibrium, disequilibrium and transition points of view (Lipshitz, 1992). However, it is important to recognize not only the differences among the three, but also similarities: each perspective has referred to the direction of convergence of regional income disparities in advanced countries. Note that even Myrdal, who has been regarded as a typical proponent of the disequilibrium perspective, paid attention to the possibilities of temporal reduction in the disparities (Myrdal, 1957, pp. 37-38). Therefore, taking the experiences of the 1980's into consideration, the findings below must have the significance of revisiting the existing explanatory frameworks.
In the second section, the long-term trend of regional income inequalities in Canada during the period 1951-1989 is clarified. To avoid a one-sided approach associated with a particular measure, the changing inter-provincial differentials of personal income per capita are specified using Gini's coefficient and the coefficient of variation (Figure 2), and Theil's measure (Figure 3). The curves in the figures show a generally similar trend: the disparities gradually decreased from the early 1950's to the late 1960's and dropped sharply in the early 1970's. During the decade since the mid-1970's, it was rather steady in spite of a slight expansion at the beginning of the 1980's. Worthy of note in the second half of the 1980's is an obvious widening of the diparities. Such trend resembles those found in other advanced countries such as the United Kingdom and Japan.
As shown in Figure 3, Theil's measure enables us to decompose the observed total inequalities into three additive components: the disparities within the eastern provinces (Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Quebec), the one within western provinces (Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia) and the one between these two regions. The converging total disparities is, to a certain degree, attributed to the third component of the disparities, which is the largest contributor among the three and showed a remarkable reduction from the 1950's to the 1970's. The expanding disparities within western provinces during the 1980's are responsible for the diverging total disparities.
In the third section, the role of fiscal transfers on the changing regional income inequalities is examined. Myrdal and Williamson suggested that central government's policies, including fiscal transfers, can reduce regional disparities. This suggestion is verified here. Province-specific regression analysis is undertaken to explain the trend of regional disparities (T_t), shown at Figure 3, by the transition of the rate of government transfer income in provincial personal income (G_pt). The results obtained based on the equation (6) (see Table 2) imply that, while increase of the government transfer in personal income has raised a particular province's income level to near the national level for the cases of the Atlantic Provinces and Quebec

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The aim of this paper is to make clear the process of the diffusion of the Yoshino forestry system during the Meiji Era in Japan.
The Yoshino Forestry System was based on extremely intensive silviculture: growing seeds in a seed bed, a density of tree planting at more than 10, 000per ha, and pruning and thinning the trees about 20 times during the growing cycle.
This system was established only in the upper area of the Yoshino River, southeast of Osaka, during the 19th century. This intensive system was formed only relating to the timber markets of Osaka and its surrounding area where the largest markets in the Edo Period were located.
After the Meiji Restoration, the Meiji government enforced a new tax system which was based on money instead of the former tax system based on payment in kind, and the rural economy could not be developed due to poor economic policies and the wars.
As a result, each farmer especially in the mountain areas needed cash income. Afforestation was chosen as a method for the development of the rural economy, when the prices for timber rose as a result of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05).
However, many farmers, outside the Yoshino area, did not know the methods of afforestation. Therefore many local leaders, farmers and some local officers visited the Yoshino area to learn afforestation methods. We can trace many local documents written by such leaders at that time.
By this process, the forestry practices in the Yoshino area were accepted as the new concept of the Yoshino Forestry System. On the other hand, Shozaburo Dokura, a leader of villages in the Yoshino area, also published guide books on the process of afforestation in the Yoshino area to explain the Yoshino Forestry System techniques of silviculture. He also taught the adovantages of forestry management by silviculture in his lectures, and demonstrated methods of planting trees based on the Yoshino Forestry System in some mountain villages.
By these activities, the image of the Yoshino Forestry System was solidified, and was supported by many local leaders inside and outside of the Yoshino area. Thus, more than 100, 000 persons visited the Yoshino area in the latter half of the Meiji Era.
As a result, the Yoshino Forestry System was introduced into public forest sectors managed by each prefecture, county and municipality, and also into private forest holdings managed by individual farmers.
However, some problems arosed in adopting the Yoshino Forestry System in each moungain area. One large problem was the intensive planting, because this method was supported by much experience in the Yoshino area, where the close connection with the large timber market of Osaka, ensured that various-sized timber produced by thinning could find a ready marcet.
In this respect, most of the afforestated areas where the Yoshino Forestry System was introduced found their location advantages to be weak compared with the Yoshino area. As a result, many farmers in those areas changed the density of tree planting to the extensive level of 1, 500∼3, 000per ha.
On the other hand, the Yoshino Forestry System was evaluated highly in its seed growing process. This process furthered the development of forestry in many mountain areas. The seed growing methods of the Yoshino Forestry System were identical to those of rice growing, and allowed choice of good seeds under good conditions. This method also allowed mass production of seedlings and multiplied the area of afforestation. Therefore, this seeding method based on the Yoshino Forestry System encouraged the development of afforestation, in Japan, before World War II.
However, at the end of the Meiji Eera, the boom of the Yoshino Forestry System ended for general reasons: first, the checking mentioned above, second

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