Among the world-map screens drawn in the early years of Japan, the writer of the paper is to mention the four world-map screens of the Momoyama era, named after their owners as follows: Yamamoto-Zu (Zu means map), Jotokuji-Zu, Kobayashi-Zu and Kawamura-Zu. From the fact that all these maps take the central circles of longitude in the Atlantic Ocean by oval Projection of Bordone, it is recognized that they were all drawn after the model of one world-map made in Europe. Among them, Yamamoto-Zu is comparatively faithful to the original in copying, while the other three are more pictorial.
In these maps, the connection is noticed between the north-eastern part of Asia and the north-western part of America. This indicates that the original belongs to the old type of world-map in the 16th century. In these world-map screens, however, the location of the continent was somewhat changed in order to draw the right form of Japan; and consequently especiallv in the three maps of Jotokuji group, a blank space turned up in the western extremity and the connection between Asia and America became unclear. Terra Australis Incognita is also pictured in these maps. While yamamoto-Zu shows its entire shape, the three maps of Jotokuji group show only its projecting part from the needs of their pictorial element. The figure. however, indicates the knowledge before the discovery of Australia and New Zealand in the early half of the 17th century.
Further, a steamer lane is drawn in these maps between Europe and Japan, and it is the Oriental line of Spain and Portugal. This suggests that the original map was brought in from the direction of Spain and portugal. It is worthy of note that many names of places originated in European names are written in the Japanes sylabary (kana) on the top of the figure, and that this preceded the Chinese translation by Matheo Ricci of the local names of the world.
As to the time these maps were drawn, a red seal of artist Eitoku Kano (1543-1590) is found on the Jotokuji-Zu; though some peopel have doubts about that. However, considering the contents of the map of Japan which forms a counterpart to these four world-map screens, it can be concluded that having produced in the second half of the 16th century, the latter is the oldest among the existing world-maps in Japan.

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From old times, neat, which is commonly called “chin-ushi” (literally means “hired cattle”), has been brought to the plains of Kochi away from the owners' homes in the circumference to be temporarily borrowed and used in the Plains. Especially, the typical type of this kind of dealings is found in the plains of Kacho along the upper course and the downstream of the River Monobe; where neat has been lented and borrowed through Yamada Market before the war, and at present through Birafu Market. Although the plains of Kochi are primarily for rice growing, the hoarding power in this region is very scanty, that of rice culter being only 10% compared with that of the district along the upper stream of the River Monobe. Moreover, owing to the running of two successive rice crops, the spring season of bemar d for the stock comes one or two months earlier than in monutain villages. Under these circumstances neat came to be lent and berrowed from the farmers in mountain villages in the first decade of April.
There are the following two kinds of loan of neat: “Katakuwa” (literally means “one spade”) in which neat is lent and borrowed only once a year in spring, and “Ryokuwa” (literally menas “both spades”) which means the loan of neat twice a year in spring and summer. The latter is the type of loan born of the operation of two successive rice crops, and peculiar to this region. Though originally, the loan of neat came into existence in the plains along the upper course and the downstream of the River Monobe, with no connection with the operation of two successive rice crops, the former, s ups and downs have kept in step with that of the latter. Naturally, during the golden age of two successive rice crops, “Ryokuwa” accounted for 80% of the total number of neat lent and borrowed then. At present, however, the decline of running of two successive rice crops resulted in the fact that “Katakuwa” has been increasing on the contrary. Besides, in the plains where the total number of neat amounted to 2, 000 during the golden age, approximately in the 8th year of Showa, the present number of neat has fallen decidedly to 25% of the above number.
Rent was paid in unhulled rice during the pre-war days, but is paid in cash at present. The former was by far gainful for the farmers in mountain villages; which can be understood from the fact that there were some farmers who secured their consuming rice by means of three or four neats. Accordingly, to the poor farmers in mountain villages, the loan of neat was the important means for securing the essential provisions; and on the other hand, it was also advantageous to those poor farmers in the plains, enabling them to cultivate the rice-field in cheap wags in a short period of time. Although it was thus of mutual aid in the past, it has become of less economical importance compared with the loan of neat in the pre-war days, owing to the change in social conditions of the farming villages both in mountainous region and plains. Besides the regular rent, fish of “Thunomiyage” presented by the borrower to the lender was very much appreciated by the farmers in mountain villages; which custom, however, has gone out of fashion. The centre for the loan of neat is found in the settlements located in the southern part of Makiyama and zaishomura along the River Monobe, which are comparatively near a market of domestic animals and borrowers' region. There, 60-70% of the total neat is being lent and borrowed even today. The plains of Kacho situated in the east half of the plains of Kochi are the centre for borrowing neat: and besides, a new centre has recently been established in the mountain villages in the basin of the River Yoshino. To tie plains of Tosa, namely the east half of the plains of Kochi, neat is borrowed from Nagahama district on the west coast of Urato Bay.

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The vehemence of migration and the increase in population are very remarkable in Hiroshima, one of the biggest local cities in Japan. The writer has investigated the movement of the population of this city on June 3, 1954. The results are as follows.
1) The migrating population is about 10% of the whole population of this city, and the number of immigrants is greater than the number of emigrants, and migration of the male is more copious than of the female, and the egress and regress because of vocational engagement is more voluminous than that of students. 2) The sphere of the migration is considered, with prefectural units at large in view, to form a circular area with Hiroshima Prefecture as its center; and with Hiroshima City as its center, when the compass of consideration is limited only to Hiroshima Prefecture, which shows that the sphere is decided within short time distance. The area of migration is wider either with immigrants (Fig. 2), men, or with employees than with either emigrants (Fig. 1), women, or students respectively; and decrease is more distinctly witnessed in the wider spheres, in the rate of the migration according as the observation passes from the center to the outermost parts, than in the narrower ones. 3) If the egress and regress in and out of Hiroshima City is examined with the wards in view, the area of migration forms a circle with the ward of Motomachi as its center (Fig, 4), and the rate of the migrationin the center is three or four times as high as that of the outer area, and the rates of emigrants and immigrants in the areas other than the wards of Aozaki and Ijima have inverse correlation, distributed in rectilinear line (Fig. 3). 4) With respect to the hours of migration, statistical curves show 2 peaks and 2 depressions: The former being between 7 and 8 A.M. and between 5 and 6 P.M. while the latter at midnight and between noon and 3 P.M.. The maximum in the rate of migration in the morning is caused chiefly by the increase in influx and the minimum in the afternoon by the decrease in influx, while the maximum in the afternoon is caused by the increase in outflow and the minimum at midnight by the decrease in outflow.

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The circumference of Tanabe City is one of the most important regions for the cultivation of kumquat in this country. The writer of this paper is to make a report of the cultivation of kumquat and its transition in this region.
Although it is unknown exactly when kumquat began to be cultivaed there, it is supposed that it was planted by way of experiment at the end of the Meiji era (approximately 1850) and began to be cultivated in a large way witin some ten years after the 20th year of Meiji (1887-). Later, having reached the peak during the Taisho period (1912-26), the cultivation of kumquat maintained the similar status until the end of the war. At least, up to the early years of Showa (1926), kumquat was supposed to be the most essential fruit-tree in this region. Kamiakita, which is now the centre for the cultivation of kumquat in this region, was once a poor, rather miserable rural community of rice and barley growing in the beginning of the Meiji era (1868-). After the 20th year of Meiji, however, great interest was taken in the cultivation of citrus fruits and semiculture, and as the result of which, it has become a rich village at a bound in the early years of the Showa period. The above fact tells us what a big role the cultivation of kumquat played for the prosperity of the village. As the reason why the cultivation of kumquat has flourished, many points are mentioned: imitative factor-villagers followed a few forerunners who happened to plant for trial in this region; economical factor-accommodating itself to the times of the development of commercial agriculture, the cultivation of kumquat began to be carried on in a big way as a crop to be turned into money for betterment of the economical condition of poor farmers; managing factor-farmers wanted to make the most of the slanting surface of a mountainside, in an attempt to cover the agriculture on a low-lying, level land which is apt to suffer from a flood; natural factor-as a basic factor, the configuration of the land and climatic condition in this region were just fitted to accelerate the above-mentioned factores; and lastly, factor attached to the nature of the crop-kumquat is very strong against noxious insects such as melanauster chinensis and prontaspis yanonensis kuwana.
In the last stage of the war, kumquat trees were pulled out in order to increase the yield of the staple food instead. At present, the cultivated area of kumquat is less than one thirds of that of the pre-war days; and despite the fact that Onshu and summer orange, which were once bound to the same doom as kumquat, have been recovering afterwards, kumquat is fated to decrease and rather seems to be cultivated from force of habit. The factors which have brought the cultivation of kumquat in such a condition as this are: economical factor-the decrease of the revenue per tan (about. 245 acres) and the reduction of demand and market in the post-bellum days; and factors attached to the nature of the crop-the generation of ceroplastes rubens Maskell which spoils kumquat very badly, the slow growing of kumquat to the fructif ication, and the fact that the kind of kumquat produced in this region is oval kumquat.

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