This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.
Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.
On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.
In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.

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The politics of space involving sexuality has been studied mainly from the perspective of women and of homosexual men. Women's studies of space make clear that space is not constructed for female sexuality but for that of males. Gay studies of space conclude that, though homosexual men are 'male', they are inclined to be alienated from spaces which are premised as being heterosexual. Otherwise, little attention has been given to the viewpoint of heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the politics of space involving heterosexual men in Japan.
This study picks up one of the statements which was brought up in the Japanese political world in 1999. It is the Nishimura's statement, which was claimed by Shingo Nishimura (a member of the Diet)-at the time, a parliamentary vice-minister of the Defense agency-in an article in the 'weekly Playboy'. The statement was problematical because it contained positive statements regarding the nuclear armament of Japan and was also sexist. Sexism among Japanese politicians is not unfamiliar, but against this case there was an unprecedented opposition which came in the form of criticism by some members of the men's group in Tokyo. This paper clarifies this situation by analyzing some discourses on relevant texts, magazines and newspapers that reported the statement.
First, I point out the spatial structure of sexuality through which Nishimura's statement is premised, in order to elucidate why the discriminatory aspects of the statement were put aside in public space. This is because, in public space, sexual matters are recognized as being a problem of dignity and are regarded as the domain of private space. Otherwise, in private space, sexual matters are thought of as being natural, so Mr. Nishimura and the affirmative people did not recognize the opposition of women and claim that their opinions are sympathetic towards them. Namely, it is made clear that the statement assumes that public space is non-sexual and private space is natural. However, the spatial structure of sexuality has relevance to the one that suppresses both women and homosexual men.
Secondly, it is made clear how the spatial structure of sexuality is constructed. First, I indicate the place occupied by the 'weekly Playboy' magazine. The magazine has contents oriented towards both private space and the public space of discourse. Secondly, sexual content has a function in public space. The reason that we overlook sexual discourse in public space is that sexual discourses are regarded as natural. So it is thought that private space within which sexual matters are contained was constructed before the construction of public space. However, in actuality, such a private space is a fiction whose logic is hidden. Thirdly, it comes to light how male heterosexuality works in public space. Women tend to be judged by their attributes, while men tend to be judged by their actions. So male heterosexuality is not regarded as a form of action but as an attribute. So long as male heterosexuality is recognized as an attribute, it is not problematized and reproduced in public space.
Thirdly, I explain the meanings of space for heterosexual men on the basis of discourses by heterosexual men who have an objective view towards Nishimura's statement. For example, members of the men's movement in Tokyo collected signatures against Nishimura's statement in a petition that was limited only to men. The reason behind it was not necessarily meant to exclude women, but was rather to stress the viewpoint of (heterosexual) men. They found that male members of the Diet did not accept their argument against Nishimura's statement. Though they recognized the sexual contents of the statement as a problem of public space, their argument was not recognized as a problem of public space. This case demonstrates that heterosexual men can also put into question the spatial structure of sexuality as their exclusive problem.

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Many historians and archaeologists have studied the spatial structures of early medieval cities and they have proposed two different ideas. Some studies have insisted that the spaces of early medieval cities consisted of complex and decentralized structures. On the other hand, some researchers have taken the spaces of the cities to embody a concentric circle model consisting of a 'center' and a 'periphery'. They have represented the model as follows; the locally powerful in early medieval cities had complete control over the 'center' of cities, but they could not control the people and economic and religious functions on the 'periphery' of cities. Most studies have accepted both of these ideas without question. However, there is a significant difference between the two ideas, since they might not be applied to the same spatial structures simultaneously. The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the ideas of the spatial structure of early medieval cities and reveal the structures.
To accomplish this task, this paper focuses on the case of Bungo Kokufu, which is represented in a set of laws promulgated in the 13th century. The laws are quite famous among historians because they apparently suggest the existence of a prosperous town and the strong influence of the locally powerful over the center of the city. For that reason, Bungo Kokufu has been regarded as a typical city embodying the model of 'center' and 'periphery'. Most researchers believe that the suggested image of the city is the real spatial structure of Bungo Kokufu, and have too easily applied the image of Bungo Kokufu to the other early medieval cities. However, it has not been substantiated whether the image corresponds to the real spatial structure. This paper aims to reconstruct the real morphology and function of Bungo Kokufu in the 13th century without relying on the image of the laws.
The second section of the paper sets forth the distribution of the facilities and functions of Bungo Kokufu and examines the changing process of morphology and function in medieval times. Before the laws were promulgated, there were two separate areas in the cities. One was a political and religious area which inherited the function of the ancient local government, and the other was an important outer port for the political area. Facilities such as shrines, temples and residences were located near those two areas and some local warriors and shrines came to power in those two areas. The locally powerful Otomo, who promulgated the laws, had not yet controlled the whole city. The real spatial structure in the 13th century was complex and decentralized. After the laws were promulgated, the distribution of facilities expanded towards the natural levee of the Oita river, but the basic spatial structure did not change. Otomo had started to control the political and harbor functions, but many other locally powerful stubbornly resisted him. Otomo still could not have a strong influence over the city. The prosperous and active town as represented in the laws actually developed only after 16th century. In the end, total control over the city by Otomo was not been achieved in medieval times. That is to say, the real spatial structure and actual status of power of Otomo was different from the image suggested in laws.
So, why were such laws promulgated by Otomo? The third section shows the purpose of the laws, examining the political and social contexts of the 13th century where Otomo is situated. The Otomo clan was high-ranking bureaucracy of the Kamakura shogunate, and it originally ruled the lands and economic bases near Kamakura, which was apart from Bungo. Since the late 12th century, Otomo had been given the right to control Bungo from the shogunate, but Otomo still had been working at the capitals, Kyo and Kamakura, as an elite bureaucracy without living in Bungo. In the mid 13th century, the political situation changed.

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Relying on the data gathered from field work, this research note aims to explore the spatial spread of zilu (cotton carpet) hand-weaving industry from the 1950's until the beginning of 1970's in Meybod of Yazd province, Iran.
The division of labour of zilu weaving within each unit is articulated on the basis of skill seniority, i. e., unskilled and highly skilled labour. Young boys from the age 5 or 6 participate in unskilled tasks to help skilled workers or master weavers: they beat the weft with a beater comb. A weaver begins as a boy working for his master, and after several years, progresses to skilled work, and eventually becomes an independent master. This skill seniority plays a crucial role in the spatial dispersion of this industry.
The author divided the development and change of zilu industry over the past two decades in Meybod into three stages. These three stages are as follows:
(1) Zilu weaving industry have a long history in Meybod and can be traced from its history back to the Middle Age. But until the beginning of 1950's, zilu weaving industry had only existed in neighboring villages around Bashnighan which is a part of the center of Meybod region. The mode of zilu production was principally household-based and its labour supply was mainly provided by household members with additional apprentices from outside.
(2) Since the beginning of the 1950's when zilu was in heavy demand suddenly, master weavers of Bashnighan have begun to utilize child labour in the surrounding villages to raise the productive capacity and to increase the number of looms within their workshops. These new children labour were literally wage labour rather than arduous apprentices. As a result of these changes, the mode of production of zilu weaving industry has been changed to the manufacture mode.
(3) From the end of the 1950's zilu weaving workshops began to be located in surrounding villages of Bashnighan gradually. Practically there was no constraint for a young weaver who had learned weaving skills in Bashnighan to seek independence. Newly independent weavers could also acquire the necessary capital outlay to establish their own workshop and buy some materials with assistance from their family members or merchants. Eventually zilu workshops were widely distributed all over the Meybod region.

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