The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the agricultural production areas in peripheral Japan can continue to maintain themselves against of the increase in imported agricultural products, taking the case of the broiler meat production area in North Tohoku. After the late 1980s, the broiler raising farmers in North Tohoku expanded their production scales remarkably such that their annual production per farmer became the largest in Japan. As a result, the broiler production area in North Tohoku has continued with a stable production regime despite an increase in imported chickens after 1986. This paper examines the maintenance strategies of the broiler production area in North Tohoku, following two lines of investigation. Firstly, the role of broiler processors (or "local integrators") in the restructuring of the broiler production area. Secondly, the effect of broiler processors' collecting and shipping strategies against the force of increasing imported chickens. The results of this analysis are summarized as follows.
In relation to the first point, the characteristics of the broiler processors in North Tohoku were examined. The broiler processors in North Tohoku have been independent of the general trading and feed firms, and have had control of the restructuring of the broiler production area in North Tohoku. In particular, the three largest processors in North Iwate (processor A, B, and C) have increased the number of collected broilers after 1986. Moreover, the farmers' production scales have been remarkably differentiated in North Iwate, where the three largest processors have incorporated their affiliated farmers. Consequently, it would appear that the three largest processors have played a very important role in the expansion of farmers' production scales in North Tohoku. In short, it is clear that some of the broiler processors in North Iwate have contributed to the restructuring of the broiler production area in North Tohoku, as the "local integrators".
In relation to the second point, the broiler collecting strategies of the broiler processors in North Tohoku were examined. It is clear that the three largest processors have promoted the expansion of farmers' production scales by using three collecting strategies; adoption of a commission system with the farmers, introduction of open chicken sheds and systematization of the broiler collecting operators. These changes mean that the contract raising which farmers own the land, labor, and chicken shed is difficult for the processors to expand these farmers' production scales. Similarly, the broiler shipping strategies of the broiler processors in North Tohoku were examined. Every processor ships the broiler products to Hokkaido, Tohoku and the Kanto market strategically, where the quantity of chickens purchased has increased rapidly after 1975. Eventually, the broiler processors in North Tohoku were able to expand their farmers' production scales, because they used shipping strategies that were adapted for the spatial changes in chicken market structure after the mid-1970s.
After all, the broiler processors in North Tohoku were able to continue their production despite increasing chicken imports, by overcoming the disadvantages of the agricultural production areas in peripheral Japan (such as dependence on the general trading and feed firms, limitation in expanding production scale, and dependence on remote markets). In particular, the expansion of farmer's production scale by introducing of commission farming is a very effective strategy to resist the forces of international competition. However, from the viewpoint of vertical integration, the broiler processors in North Tohoku promoted the expansion of farmers' production scales by partial ownership of farmers' production equipments.

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Since the late 1980s, the epistemology of cultural politics that derives from British cultural studies and contemporary critical social theories-referred to as the 'the cultural turn in social sciences and humanities'-has been taken seriously in Anglophone human geography. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the recent progression in youth studies, especially after the deep impact of the cultural turn in Anglophone human geography, and how to apply it in the Japanese context.
The author will present four themes concerning geographies of youth: (1) Youth, cultural politics and positionality, (2) home, school and regional community around youth, (3) the progression from production to consumption society and youth in urban spaces and (4) problematizing youth and privatization of public spaces, all of which focus on cultural politics intertwined among various times and spaces.
Presenting various research points, the author will identify three significant theoretical aspects in which the geographies of youth mainly rely: the question of the social construction of subjects, the cultural politics of place and identity, and the ethics behind subject positions. The author insists that Japanese human geographers should consider these issues, despite the difficulties involved in their direct introduction into Japanese empirical studies and, that, furthermore, this is necessary in order to explore research practices regarding the studies of youth in the future.

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In recent years, social movement studies have been produced by Japanese geographers as well as those in other countries. This is because many more people now participate in social movements, and, furthermore, because geographers are relevant to the analysis of social problems. In Japanese geography, most social movement studies are concerned with environmental pollution. On the other hand, geographers from Anglophone countries recognized social movements as a research object in political geography. These study methods encouraged the investigation of anti-pollution movements in the locality.
In this study, the relations of the local community and social movements in Wakayama for anti-pollution movements are analysed. At first, urbanization owing to industrialization in the Kasei area of Wakayama city was closely related to the location for the Wakayama Steel Works of Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation (Sumitomo Kinzoku Kogyo Wakayama Seitetsusho). With the construction of the factory, a number of issues developed which were associated with the purchase of the factory site and the compensation of fishery rights.
After the Second World War, industrialization in this area occurred as a result of a long-term rationalization plan of Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation. According to this plan, a blast furnace was completed and steel production from pig iron to steel was begun. At the same time, environmental pollution resulted and was reported in the newspaper every year from the 1960s to the first half of the 1970s. Local residents were primarily annoyed by air and noise pollution as well as by bad smells. In addition, statements on environmental pollution appeared before the Wakayama City Council from 1961. These statements are overviewed according to each member of the council. In spite of the frequency of these statements there is little inclination by some members of the liberal party, especially those elected from near the factory area, to focus on environmental pollution. Here we must shift viewpoints to clear a representation of the politics of place.
Local differences among the areas of Minato, Matsue and Nishiwaki were investigated to clarify the locality factor in anti-pollution movements.
1) In Minato area, anti-pollution movements were organized in a later period, though this area was closed to the factory. Moreover, these activities were sporadic. 2) In Matsue area, antipollution movements were organized early as soon environmental pollution became evident. Furthermore, those activities were held annually. 3) In Nishiwaki area, anti-pollution movements were organized as a result of environmental pollution following the extension of the factory. At that time, the local community had opposed reclamation work on the coastal zone.
The differentiation of anti-pollution movements is caused by localities. Anti-pollution movements toward Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation in Wakayama city were regulated with spatial scale. Above all, the local community (Jichikai) as a spatial scale performed an intermediate function.

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