Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, Japan's northern island, Hokkaido, was divided into a Wajin-Japanese settlement exclave, called Wajinchi or Wajinland, and an area in which only Ainu were allowed to reside permanently, known as Ezochi. This paper looks at changes in the location of the boundary and in the function of guardhouses located near it as one way to analyze Tokugawa frontier policy. Sources include diaries of travelers, government documents, old maps, and sketches.
Results show that the Wajinchi expanded in five stages. From the thirteenth to the mid-sixteenth century, Wajin-Japanese settlement remained in a punctiform pattern with forts spaced along the extreme southern coast of the Oshima Peninsula. This initial stage is characterized by a lack of unity among Wajin and relative strength of the Ainu.
Next, an accord reached around 1550 between the strongest Wajin-Japanese leader and two Ainu chieftains delimited a conterminous zone on the southwestern tip of the Oshima Peninsula. This second phase suggest the unification of Hokkaido's Wajin was well underway.
The Matsumae clan formed in the early seventeenth century, expanded the exclave, demarcated the boundary with poles, and established guardhouses. During the following two centuries, these efforts to partition the Wajin-Japanese and Ainu continued. It is of special note that the distance between Matsumae castle and the eastern and western boundaries was roughly equivalent.
A major policy transformation occurred at the beginning of the nineteenth century when the Tokugawa government took over control of Ezochi, installed a magistrate in Hakodate, and extended the eastern portion of the Wajinchi. The concern of the Tokugawa government in the affairs of Ezochi was apparent since the new eastern guardhouse was located on the Ezochi side of the boundary, a condition. which had never previously existed.
In the mid-nineteenth century, the Wajinchi was enlarged again. However, the absence of boundary guardhouses along with the lack of contiguity marked this as a transitional stage prior to the opening of the whole island for colonization in 1869.
These Wajinchi expansions can be conceived of as concentric zones. The second and third stages surround Matsumae castle while the fourth and fifth have double foci, Hakodate and Matsumae, and generally encircle Hakodate. The lack of guardhouses in the second and fifth stages illustrates their transitional character in contrast to the third and fourth stages of Matsumae and subsequent Tokugawa direct control.

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In the suburbs of big cities the population is mounting rapidly. The growth of the population that makes use of the railway station nearby has increased the commercial value of the front area of the railway station and the big stores and other central functions have been located there. As a result most suburban cities have an tendency to change their city structure, that is, to move their core function from their old CBD to the front area of the railway station. This shifting of the core including the shifting of commercial areas has caused changes in purchasing behavior of suburban consumers.
The author took Kusatsu City, 18km. from the CBD of Kyoto City, for example, and observed changes in purchasing behavior as follows.
(1) In the front area of Kusatsu Station of JNR three big stores (discount stores) were located and there occurred new accumulation of commerce around them. As a result the commercial center of Kusatsu moved from Honmachi area, the historical center, to the front area of Kusatsu Station. This movement influenced not only traffic system but also the whole urban structure. The location of the big stores improved commercial function of Kusatsu City and the trade area of Kusatsu City was expanded accordingly.
(2) For the purchase of daily goods, consumers in Kusatsu usually go to the big stores and other smaller stores within Kusatsu. About the purchase of quality clothing and gifts, however, there are two groups of people: one group buys in Kusatsu and the other group goes to the department stores in Kyoto. It can be said that the former group has an inclination to discount stores and the latter to department stores among big stores.
(3) Those who live in the suburbs are usually said to have a strong inclination to the department stores in the neighboring core city. The people in Kusatsu also have a strong inclination to the department stores in Kyoto and their mental inclination to them is beyond their actual purchased one in Kyoto. However, the substance of the inclination has been changed since the opening of the big stores in Kusatsu and Kusatsu's becoming a commuting town.
(4) The shorter one's living history in Kusatsu is, the stronger one's inclination to department stores is. On the one hand those who had moved from Kyoto or Osaka and those who had been posted to Kyoto or Osaka have more inclination to department stores. On the other hand among the people with long living history in Kusatsu including those who are occupied with agriculture, forestry or fishery, the percentage of the people who make all purchases at the central commercial district in Kusatsu is high. In the past, though, not a few of them had an inclination to department stores. Their inclination has been changed to discount stores by the opening of the big stores (discount stores) in their neighborhood. In other words the substantial influence of the opening of the big stores on the people in Kusatsu differs among individuals according to the differences in life zone and life-style.
(5) Under the increase of the residents moved from other areas including Kyoto and the opening of the big stores, which resulte from Kusatsu's becoming a commuting town, purchasing behavior of the people in Kusatsu is coming to show differentiation in two ways: one has an inclination to department stores and the other to discount stores. With the opening of big stores as a turning point commercial districts in a commuting town are coming to be complicated and varied in structure and function.

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Historical documents show us that many Jinaichos were established around 1530's and '40s. So, I'd like to call them the second stage Jinaicho as well, the former ones of them, the first stage, the later ones, the third stage Jinaicho. I intend in this paper to clarify the process how the city plan has changed during these three stages.
At first, on the topographical condition of location, places where Jinaichos are located can be classified into, (1). Plateau or hill, (2). river-terrace, (3). natural levee, (4), low swamp. The third is a good place not only for Jinaicho, but also for any other settlement, however, the first and the second must have been for the protection of the town. In respect of topography, the defence of the town has become weak for ages. And, when Jinaicho was constructed, Jori system was utilized as basic lines in many cases. This rule is the most notable in the second stage.
Next, I consider the inside plan of the town from the following viewpoints. a, The scale of the town and its transformation…… The scale of Jinaicho tends to center especially upon some definite sizes, among them four square scale can be regarded as the “standard” size of Jinaicho. Moreover, we must not miss that the scale of the town is not necessarily original one, but can be found to expand or reduce in some cases. b. The position. of the principal temples…… The temple which dominates the town is almost situated at southern or western side of the town. c. How many moats enclose the town? d. Are the refraetions of roads in the town remarkable or not?…… I put up these two as the indicators which show the degree of the protective function of the district. As far as these two items are concerned, those protective functions remain even in Jinaichos established in modern ages. By the way, on the Japanese castle town, the district plan is considered at the level of “form of block” (machiwari), and “plotting of residental areas” (yashikiwari) (cf. Yamori “The Study of City Plan”).
Here, I'd like to approach the characteristics of Jinaicho at one more micro-scopic level, i.e, from the viewpoint of “house type”. Then we notice there are two types of Jinaicho. We find that one is where the residental district is made up of urbanstyle houses, and the other is fundamentally, the same type as farmhouses. Now, I temporarily call the former, “Urban” Jinaicho, and the latter “Rural” Jinaicho.
Such difference, is, I assume, caused upon whether agricultural factors have remained in the town or not. Considering not only above-mentioned a. to d. items, but also other factors, the pattern of Jinaicho's transformation can be summarized as follows; In the first stage, Jinaicho Plan have gradually been arranged, and completed in Yamashina, In the second stage, many Jinaichos are constructed according to its arranged plan. But in third stage, we can see the collapse of the plan, however, some Jinaichos, such as the inhabitants took initiative at the establishment of the town, succeed to the same plan as in the second stage. Moreover, we must pay attention to the geographical arrangement of Jinaicho, too. That is, the first stage is in the age of searching for the suitable place for construction, in the second stage, Jinaichos are constructed in the form of encircling Ishiyama.
Finally, there remains the problem to explain the relations between Jinaicho and other kinds of settlements, but I have not had my distinct idea upon this problem yet. Therefore I will take up this problem as my next theme.

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