To analyze the economic structure of fishing villages where villagers make their living by fishing, farming and trading, we must investigate not only fishing, but also other activities including farming and trading. But, there have been few such analytic studies of fishing villages in Japan. Not only has a relatively small number of geographers been interested in fishing villages, but even those geographers have paid more attention to the studies of fishing activity itself, which of course is full of fascination and worthy of attention. For the past several years, we have, however, investigated the interrelationships between the physical basis and the economic, social and cultural conditions of Nariu, a pond-net fishing village on the Wakasa Bay. We plan to complete a monograph on this fishing village eventually, but this paper is a part of our long-range study focusing on the ecocomic lives of the villagers.
Nariu is one of the pound-net fishing villages which dot the promontories in the Wakasa Bay, which has a typical ria-type coast line. The village is located on the east coast of the northern tip of the Ôura Peninsula, which encloses the Maizuru Bay on the east. The village is isolated by the mountainous areas from the urban centers of the district, and is about 20km. from Higashi Maizuru, a sub-center of the city of Maizuru. The mountain blocks of the Ôura Peninsula are at the late mature stage of the erosion cycle, and therefore are quite formidable. Nariu has little flat land for cultivation, but its narrow and deep inlet offers prosperous pound-net firhing sites.
The village consists of 20 old families, seven of which date back to the early Edo period, and 13 families to the middle or late Edo period. In addition, three families were established in the village after the Second World War. The main economic bases of the villagers are two ôshiki, or large pound-nets, 24 koteichi, or small pound-nets, plus some 549a. of farm land including 274a. of paddy fields and 156a. of mandarin orchards. The two ôshiki are operated jointly by the 20 old families on the basis of equal investment and equal labor. Fishing rights are held by the fishermen's cooperative association, of which all of the families are members. Officially speaking, all of the fishing rights of koteichi nets belong to the association, but in reality, more productive eleven rights are monopolized by the seven oldest families. The thirteen less productive rights are owned jointly by the 13 families settled during the Edo period, and operated individually by each family on a yearly rotation basis. That is, each family will have different fishing grounds each year to ensure an equal chance of catch for every family through the years.
The main spices of fish caught by the ôshiki nets include young and mature yellowtails, frigate-mackerels, and sea breams. They constitute more than 60-70% in weight and value of the average annual catch of the past ten years. The rest of the catch comes the koteichi nets including squids, horse mackerels, sardines and other miscellaneous coastal fishes. The total annual catch reaches 120-170 tons, valued at \23-29 million. All the daily hauls are landed first at the village beach front, then sorted, classified and transported to the wholesale fish market in Nishi Maizuru, a sub-center of the city of Maizuru. The sales of the fish are consiged to the receipt agency of the Association of Fishermen's Cooperatives. In the recent years, due to the development of highways, the means of transportation of the fish from the village to the wholesale market has changed to a refrigerated truck owned by the village cooperative. Formerly, a boat without refrigeration facilities was used.

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Nowadays, cultivatedlands are on the decrease in Japan. From 1950 to '70, they have showed a decrease of 450 thousands hectares.
In general, there are two regions that show enormous decrease in this period. One of them is urban fringe area where they are affected urbanization from cities: the other is agricultural marginalland in mountinous regions. Of these, I had chosen the latter this time, and worked case studies at KUTUKI VILLAGE in SIGA PREFECTURE, KINKI PROVINCE.
In this paper, two problems are studied. First, which parts of cultivatedlands were devastated? Secondly, why were they devastated?
KUTUKI VILLAGE is situated on the most mountinous regions in KINKI PROVINCE. In consequence, cultivatedlands distribute in scarce and narrow river valley bottoms. They have so unsuitable conditions that farmers can't product any more crops, chiefly rice, except for themselves.
In this village, regress of the cultivatedlands began at the early stage of 1920's. From that time to 1970, about two fifth of its cultivatedlands have been devastated. There are several reasons for this phenomenon as follows:
1) the concentric cultivation in better paddyfields.
2) the development of the forestation and forestry.
3) the decrease of the supported populations from 1960's.
4) the adjustment policy of the rice production from 1970.
In these reasons, the first one is the most significant in this region.
In the next place, I had picked out three settlements in this village. From the studies of these cases, I got some results as follows:
1) the cultivatedlands, which are far from farmsteads, tend to be devastated, and each settlement has been reduced from outer fringe to inner part for about 50 years.
2) in the process of devastation, the problems of sunlight are the most important ground, particularly from the standpoint of how long and how much sunlight.
3) paddyfields, which are linked to single irrigationway, tend to be devastated synchronously because of the difficulty to maintain regular irrigated water.
Finally, these devastated fields have become to the lands for forestation.

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In the medieval times of Japan, the maps of whole Japan on a small reduced scale were hardly made, but the maps of small areas on a large reduced scale were made in plenty; i.e., the maps which illustrated manors or villages were made with the land survey, the division of manor land, and the allocation of boundary.
Hitherto medieval manor maps have been classified in view of the purpose of map-making; here, the author, however, tries to classify them into three groups in view of the manner of painting and the art drawing.
They are as follows.
(1) Maps-_??__??_, _??__??_, _??__??_. In these maps, only Jôri (_??__??_) siystem district were illustrated, and they are the maps which followed the way of ancient map-making; i.e., they are the maps on the grid pattern. In other words, they are the maps on the exact reduced scale; therefore, it could be said that they are quite valuable materials for the study of histoical geography.
(2) Pictorial maps-_??__??__??__??_. In manor maps, the appearances of villages were illustrated pictorially, and the purposes of this map-making were evidences for allocation of manor, division of manor land, and allocation of boundary. As for the map-makers, it would be conjectured that they were not the successors of the ancient land surveyors but the painters under the patronage of the lords of manors or the manor officers.
(3) Diagrams-_??__??__??_, _??__??_. In these diagrams, thematic map data such as the location or the special irrigation systems were illustrated. These diagrams were made when something significant dispute happened between villages, and they hecame evidences of settling the trouble. They were illustrated only with the black lines without any color painting. It would be conjectured that almost all of them were made by the farmers at the villages.
Among three types manor maps above-mentioned, the author, in this paper, describes the circumstances and the problems in the studies of the pictorial maps of manor.
There are two features in the expression of manor maps; i.e., first it was painted colorfully and second it was not a plan but bird's-eye view. There are various landacape clement in the contents illustrated in the manor maps; especially the abundant description of the natural and artificial view could be found.
In the manor maps, however, there are a lot of defects-distortion and exaggeration-because of their pictorial composition. In the contrary, we could find in full detail the matters of boundary lines, irrigation system, and so on, which were the purpose of the map-making. In studying in manor maps, manor maps have been used only for the restoration of Jôri system or of the view of the villages attained.
These studies have obtained a lot of good results; it cannot but be said, however, that studies in view of the matters of the purpose in the mapmaking are quite few. The remarkable reason why the studies are so few is the lack of the historical materials. Accordingly, I am of the opinion that by field investigations of the manor pictures, the approach to the restoration or the change of political regions such as the formation of boundary in villages is essential.

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